Better Venture is a first-of-its-kind guide to diversity and inclusion in startups and venture capital—who funds, who gets funded, and how the industry can change. The industry’s lack of diversity and inclusion not only compromises moral standing—it means overlooking profitable businesses and talented founders. That costs hundreds of millions of dollars a year, and neglects ideas that could serve the needs of many more people. In this collection of interviews, stories, and research, we use the momentum that has been building in recent years to expand the conversation about DEI, venture capital, and the startup ecosystem, and to inspire more concrete action. Highlights: - 43 in-depth conversations with leading investors, entrepreneurs, and researchers, making it one of the most comprehensive and diverse sets of perspectives on the startup ecosystem ever assembled in one place. - An economic history of venture capital through a diversity lens. - On-the-ground stories from founders and VCs that explore ways to create a more diverse, inclusive, equitable, and profitable venture ecosystem. No blog post can give the deep understanding and vision needed to address the complexity of the topic. That’s why we came together to write this book and are bringing in so many voices to clarify the picture of what is and what could be. Over the course of two years of research and discussion with almost 100 experts, we set out to answer four questions: - Why has the industry been so slow to change? We map the economic origins and history of venture capital to understand how the economics of VC has contributed to the glacial pace of diversifying the industry. - What barriers are founders and investors facing now? We draw on contributions from investors, operators, founders, and journalists to help catalog the barriers for founders seeking funding, and for investors seeking entry and influence in the industry. - Can diversity really lead to higher returns? We bring in new research and data to help us understand how betting on underrepresented founders and investors is really the better venture. Why does diversifying the industry matter, and to whom? How is it linked to financial performance and better decision making? How will it improve innovation across industries? - What can be done for positive change? We discuss cost effective and evidence-based interventions, tools, and solutions that can help to make the VC and startup worlds more diverse and inclusive—and result in higher returns. We hope this book and the conversations it contains help fulfill the vision of a more diverse, inclusive, and profitable ecosystem. It’s time venture got better.
Better Venture is a first-of-its-kind guide to diversity and inclusion in startups and venture capital—who funds, who gets funded, and how the industry can change. The industry’s lack of diversity and inclusion not only compromises moral standing—it means overlooking profitable businesses and talented founders. That costs hundreds of millions of dollars a year, and neglects ideas that could serve the needs of many more people. In this collection of interviews, stories, and research, we use the momentum that has been building in recent years to expand the conversation about DEI, venture capital, and the startup ecosystem, and to inspire more concrete action. Highlights: - 43 in-depth conversations with leading investors, entrepreneurs, and researchers, making it one of the most comprehensive and diverse sets of perspectives on the startup ecosystem ever assembled in one place. - An economic history of venture capital through a diversity lens. - On-the-ground stories from founders and VCs that explore ways to create a more diverse, inclusive, equitable, and profitable venture ecosystem. No blog post can give the deep understanding and vision needed to address the complexity of the topic. That’s why we came together to write this book and are bringing in so many voices to clarify the picture of what is and what could be. Over the course of two years of research and discussion with almost 100 experts, we set out to answer four questions: - Why has the industry been so slow to change? We map the economic origins and history of venture capital to understand how the economics of VC has contributed to the glacial pace of diversifying the industry. - What barriers are founders and investors facing now? We draw on contributions from investors, operators, founders, and journalists to help catalog the barriers for founders seeking funding, and for investors seeking entry and influence in the industry. - Can diversity really lead to higher returns? We bring in new research and data to help us understand how betting on underrepresented founders and investors is really the better venture. Why does diversifying the industry matter, and to whom? How is it linked to financial performance and better decision making? How will it improve innovation across industries? - What can be done for positive change? We discuss cost effective and evidence-based interventions, tools, and solutions that can help to make the VC and startup worlds more diverse and inclusive—and result in higher returns. We hope this book and the conversations it contains help fulfill the vision of a more diverse, inclusive, and profitable ecosystem. It’s time venture got better.
A probing examination of the dynamic history of predictive methods and values in science and engineering that helps us better understand today’s cultures of prediction. The ability to make reliable predictions based on robust and replicable methods is a defining feature of the scientific endeavor, allowing engineers to determine whether a building will stand up or where a cannonball will strike. Cultures of Prediction, which bridges history and philosophy, uncovers the dynamic history of prediction in science and engineering over four centuries. Ann Johnson and Johannes Lenhard identify four different cultures, or modes, of prediction in the history of science and engineering: rational, empirical, iterative-numerical, and exploratory-iterative. They show how all four develop together and interact with one another while emphasizing that mathematization is not a single unitary process but one that has taken many forms. The story is not one of the triumph of abstract mathematics or technology but of how different modes of prediction, complementary concepts of mathematization, and technology coevolved, building what the authors call “cultures of prediction.” The first part of the book examines prediction from early modernity up to the computer age. The second part probes computer-related cultures of prediction, which focus on making things and testing their performance, often in computer simulations. This new orientation challenges basic tenets of the philosophy of science, in which scientific theories and models are predominantly seen as explanatory rather than predictive. It also influences the types of research projects that scientists and engineers undertake, as well as which ones receive support from funding agencies.
In this ethnographic study, Johannes Lenhard observes the daily practices, routines and techniques of people who are sleeping rough on the streets of Paris. The book focusses on their survival practises, their short-term desires and hopes, how they earn money through begging, how they choose the best place to sleep at night and what role drugs and alcohol play in their lives. The book also follows people through different institutional settings, including a homeless day centre, a needle exchange, a centre for people with alcohol problems and a homeless shelter.
If all philosophy starts with wondering, then Calculated Surprises starts with wondering about how computers are changing the face and inner workings of science. In this book, Lenhard concentrates on the ways in which computers and simulation are transforming the established conception of mathematical modeling. His core thesis is that simulation modeling constitutes a new mode of mathematical modeling that rearranges and inverts key features of the established conception. Although most of these new key features--such as experimentation, exploration, or epistemic opacity--have their precursors, the new ways in which they are being combined is generating a distinctive style of scientific reasoning. Lenhard also documents how simulation is affecting fundamental concepts of solution, understanding, and validation. He feeds these transformations back into philosophy of science, thereby opening up new perspectives on longstanding oppositions. By combining historical investigations with practical aspects, Calculated Surprises is accessible for a broad audience of readers. Numerous case studies covering a wide range of simulation techniques are balanced with broad reflections on science and technology. Initially, what computers are good at is calculating with a speed and accuracy far beyond human capabilities. Lenhard goes further and investigates the emerging characteristics of computer-based modeling, showing how this simple observation is creating a number of surprising challenges for the methodology and epistemology of science. These calculated surprises will attract both philosophers and scientific practitioners who are interested in reflecting on recent developments in science and technology.
Essay from the year 2013 in the subject Ethnology / Cultural Anthropology, grade: 69, University of Cambridge, language: English, abstract: Kuper’s (1944) original account of the ritual of Incwala in the Swazi territoriy in Southern Africa has spurred an immense literature over the past seventy years. From sociological-functionalist accounts focusing on the Incwala as a ritual of ‘internal rebellion’ (Gluckman, 1953,1960) over a symbolist focus on the metaphorical power of the King’s separation (Beidelman, 1966) to the historical embedding of different forms of the Incwala (Kuper, 1972; Lincoln 1987), no singular interpretation seems adequate on its own. Adding a further layer using a more ‘practice oriented’ and individual analysis of rituals (La Fontaine, 1985; Bloch, 1991), I try to accomplish an even more complicated and multi-faceted interpretation claiming that no single line of thought can represent the complexity of this ritual in its various historical forms.
Essay from the year 2013 in the subject Ethnology / Cultural Anthropology, grade: 62%, University of Cambridge, language: English, abstract: Even though scholars directly involved in the discourse were themselves not able to clearly differentiate between structuralism, functionalism and the various combinations of the two terms, retrospectively, two lines have been drawn. The first is between functionalism which was brought forward by Malinowski and his followers at the LSE and structural-functionalism. The latter was historically developed as a direct reply to a Malinowskian individualism by Radcliffe-Brown, Fortes and Evans-Pritchard. The line this essay is going to blur separates structural-functionalism from originally French structuralism as coined by Levi-Strauss. I argue that those retrospective lines are nowadays often as artificial as they were for contemporary scholars in the early 1900s. Many commonalities – in their striving for universal laws, and even their fallacies – are contrasted by some differences, mainly in their treatment of fieldwork and the concept of structure. The different schools of thought were organically growing out of each other rendering the continuity of features natural. Only paying attention in passing to the earlier, ‘purely’ functionalist school of Malinowski, I compare the structural functionalism most clearly visible in Radcliffe-Brown with Levi-Strauss’ structuralism. Let me briefly put forward his arguments on methods in general as well as function and structure in particular before Levi-Strauss enters the analysis.
Essay from the year 2011 in the subject Sociology - General and Theoretical Directions, grade: Distinction, London School of Economics, language: English, abstract: Durkheim followed one central question during his writings, namely the search for the “bonds which unite men one with another” (Durkheim, 1888: 257). Especially Durkheim’s early works are concerned in this respect with the forms of ‘solidarité’ that are specific for pre-industrial or lower societies in contrast to the ongoing industrialised or organised kind of community. In the ‘Division of Labour’, Durkheim arrives at a rather pessimistic account of modern, industrial society: although under ‘normal circumstances’ the division of labour leads to a harmonious society bound together by solidarity, our current form of industrial organisation is in an “appaling crisis” (ibd.: 339) composed of “organs that still clash discordantly together” (ibd.: 340). It is this account Durkheim gives of solidarity in the modern society that can be criticised substantially. The following essay will therefore consist of an analysis of his line of thought that leads him from early societies bound together by what he calls ‘mechanical solidarity’ based on similarities, to the notion of ‘organic solidarity’ in the ‘contractual society’. Especially his optimistic, evolutionary account of the development of solidarity, his use of empirical data and finally his idealised notion of society are possible points of doubt as will be shown. The concluding remarks will lift Durkheim’s analysis from the early 20th Century to a contemporary account trying to extend it with Foucault’s ‘penal society’.
Essay from the year 2013 in the subject Pedagogy - Theory of Science, Anthropology, grade: 65, University of Cambridge, language: English, abstract: Ethnographies of the state have undergone increased scrutiny over recent years. There are several reasons for that: Weber’s famous definition of the state as the ‘human community successfully claiming the monopoly of the legitimate use of physical force within a given territory’ has been contested by state-deniers such as Radcliffe-Brown (1940/2006) or later ‘fetishists’ including Abrams (1988) and Taussig (1992). They acknowledged the need to pin down the state in practices of everyday life rather than as an abstract ‘fetishised’ unity. Most recently, heightened influence of globalised companies ('corporate turn', Kapferer, 2005), NGOs and transnational organisations such as the IMF and the world bank (Trouillot, 2001) dispersed centres of sovereignty even further. Following historical developments, the study of the state has come full turn from Hobbes’s ‘Leviathan’ to Foucault’s ‘capillaries’. I will briefly mention several different ethnographic analytics that can help to still trace the state and its effects in this multi-dimensional context – introducing notions of institutions, culture and history as locations for state power – before I focus on the study of a seemingly non-state political expression: resistance. I examine Abu-Lughod’s (1990) mighty claim that where we find resistance, there is power (i.e. the state) with the help of ethnographic case studies from Egypt (Ali, 1996), Botswana (Comaroff, 1985), Malaysia (Scott, 1989), India (Nandy, 1983) and Turkey (Navaro-Yashin, 2002).
Essay from the year 2013 in the subject Pedagogy - Theory of Science, Anthropology, grade: 67%, University of Cambridge, language: English, abstract: Sacrifice can be conceptualised in various forms. Traditionally, the four-step-scheme (presentation, consecration, invocation, immolation) of the ritual as described by Evans-Pritchard (1956) reduces it to as Gibson (1986: 182) describes “a gift to spiritual beings in which the life of an animal is substituted for the life of a human”. Originating in Hubert’s and Mauss’ account (1964), what can be called the ‘communication theory of sacrifice’ is illustrated by Evans-Pritchard’s study of Nuer religion. Without further challenging the common perception of the ‘scheme’ of sacrifice, the Evans-Pritchard’s study will serve as an example for this first approach.
Seminar paper from the year 2008 in the subject Art - Installation / Action/Performance Art / Modern Art, grade: 1.3, Zeppelin University Friedrichshafen, language: English, abstract: The core of my term paper is based on two issues. The concept of an "art laboratory" in general and its application on Warhol and Warhols factory. In the first part of my paper, I try to develop the idea of a laboratory. I start with the common sense interpretation of the laboratory in the natural sciences. Afterwards I try to employ different theories taken from the cultural sciences to develop the term for my intention. Bourdieu, Becker, Knorr Cetina and others designed concepts to fill the laboratory idea used by Dragicevic Sesic and Dragojevic with life and in the end of the first part of my paper, I will have an idea of the "art laboratory" which can be used to describe Warhols factory and evaluate its policies in the 1960s. In the next chapter, I will first introduce Warhol and his life in a short introduction. After this, I will describe in a very short paragraph the development oft the art scene in New York in the 1950s and 1960s before I come to describe the factory as Warhol ́s studio and working place and as a meeting point for the new york boheme and scene, as the venue in the 1960s New York. In the last chapter interwoven with the description, I will cope with Warhol ́s policies and with its major aims and tasks prospective power and aesthetics. Especially the concept of avantgarde is a major topic in this cahpter. In a final paragraph, a short recapitulation and reflexion will be done and I will come up with an evaluation of the concept of the "art laboratory" and its appliance to Warhol ́s factory.
Essay from the year 2012 in the subject Pedagogy - Theory of Science, Anthropology, grade: 66, University of Cambridge, language: English, abstract: Discuss whether the anthropological evidence tends to support or refute the idea that there are human cognitive universals. The original debate on human universals was fought on metaphysical grounds long before anthropologists started to write ethnographies. Framed as the argument between Continental Rationalism and Anglo-Scottish Empiricism (see Gell, 1992:7), Descartes and Kant believed in a priori reason as constitutive of categories whereas Hume defends the ‘realness’ of sensitive experience. The former are supportive of the universalism, whereas the latter strictly deny it. This abstract controversy does not further concern us here, however. More concretely, the following essay deals with the universal character of ‘time’ in ethnographic studies. Looking at conceptions of time in the context of the Nuer (Evans-Pritchard, 1987) and most particularly Bali (Bloch, 1977; Geertz, 1993; Howe, 1981), the argument can be made that it is hardly possible to find ethnographic evidence against the notion of a universal concept of time. I will demonstrate with the above examples that on the one hand ethnographies can rarely be used to refute the universality of time but that secondly to differentiate the particularly ethnographic viewpoint is essential.
Essay from the year 2013 in the subject Ethnology / Cultural Anthropology, grade: 64%, University of Cambridge, language: English, abstract: As Geertz himself has recognised, “one cannot write a ‘General Theory of Cultural Interpretation’” (TD, 26). It might therefore be wrong right from the beginning to talk about his ‘project’. Accepting this notion for a moment, one has furthermore to acknowledge that Geertz has only picked up different traditions – namely those of Weber, Boas and Kluckhohn in the social sciences and Wittgenstein and Husserl in philosophy – and ‘melted’ them into a distinguishable whole (Ortner, 1984). If one also dismisses this historical analysis for a moment and takes Geertz project of an ‘interpretive anthropology’ as a given whole, a description develops around his notions of semiotic culture, thick description, small matters and native narratives. It is in those ideas that one finds both Geertz’ strengths and weaknesses as I argue below. Arguing both in abstract, theoretical terms and in relation to Geertz’ major ethnographies – Negara, Meaning and order in Moroccan society and Deep play – the significance of the interpretive project is undeniable but not without limitations: Does the interpretation of culture as a text make sense? How does Geertz link his focus on ‘small matters’ towards an analysis of culture? Is it possible to deny theory?
Essay from the year 2010 in the subject Politics - Political Theory and the History of Ideas Journal, grade: 1.7, Royal Holloway, University of London, language: English, abstract: Kosovo, Iraq and Afghanistan being the wars discussed most controversial in the last decade are also an important subject matter for the political theory (Kugler et al., 2004; Mearsheimer/Walt, 2003). Especially their use as falsifying cases against the liberal notion of democratic peace theory is prominent - though questionable (Panke/Risse, 2007). Kant and his successors in the tradition of the liberal democratic peace theory can to a certain extent be defended even considering the recent wars - at east on the surface; these were fought between despotic states and democracies and therefore do not stand in opposition to the liberal peace theory in its 'narrow form'. Nevertheless, closer analysis reveals that the recent conflicts can be used as examples of severe violations of part of Kant's predictions and arguments. These arguments will be exposed within the first part of the essay formulated by Immanuel Kant already in 1795 (Kant, 2007). Afterwards the theoretical discussion will be expanded towards contemporary followers, such as Doyle (1983). They form what is often stated as the liberal democratic peace theory. Subsequently, the cases of Kosovo, Iraq and Afghanistan as possible points of falsifications against the trustworthiness of the theoretical arguments presented beforehand will be analysed.
This thesis analyzes the motivation and performance of 403 acquisitions made by emerging multinational corporations (EMNCs) in Western Europe and North America between 1994 and 2013. The findings indicate that most EMNCs were motivated to acquire in order to obtain access to the upstream and downstream know-how of their target firms. In addition, the thesis' event study results demonstrate that EMNCs on average generated value for their shareholders with their acquisitions over short periods around acquisition announcement. This result is particularly significant since similar studies on buying firms from developed markets have frequently come to the conclusion that acquirers destroy shareholder value.
In this ethnographic study, Johannes Lenhard observes the daily practices, routines and techniques of people who are sleeping rough on the streets of Paris. The book focusses on their survival practises, their short-term desires and hopes, how they earn money through begging, how they choose the best place to sleep at night and what role drugs and alcohol play in their lives. The book also follows people through different institutional settings, including a homeless day centre, a needle exchange, a centre for people with alcohol problems and a homeless shelter.
Simulation modeling, the core thesis of Calculated Surprises, is transforming the established conception of mathematical modeling in fundamental ways. These transformations feed back into philosophy of science, opening up new perspectives on longstanding oppositions. The book integrates historical features with both practical case studies and broad reflections on science and technology.
Essay from the year 2012 in the subject Pedagogy - Theory of Science, Anthropology, grade: 65, University of Cambridge, language: English, abstract: The term ‘matrilineal puzzle’ was coined by Richards (Richards, 1950) and treated in a variety of both theoretical and ethnographic studies (e.g. Fuller, 1976; Gough & Schneider, 1961; Needham, 1971; Weiner, 1988). Essentially, the ‘puzzle’ is better described as a conflict arising from the general design of matrilineages: being based on both a principle of female descent and masculine control, a matrilineage generates a direct competition between in-marrying husbands/fathers and maternal brothers. Where is the family to live? Who has authority over the children? As Gough and Schneider (1961:29) claim, the matrilineal group is very unlikely to persist if the husband gains to much authority over wife and children. Several solutions to this dilemma can be found in the literature as well as in ethnographic studies four of which I focus upon in the following. Let me, however, introduce the underlying concepts in the introductory paragraph.
Studienarbeit aus dem Jahr 2009 im Fachbereich BWL - Unternehmensführung, Management, Organisation, Note: 1.3, Zeppelin University Friedrichshafen, Sprache: Deutsch, Abstract: "Patents are an important element in the innovation system {...}. How patents are managed can foster or hinder innovation and can expand or restrict access to the fruits of federally funded biomedical research {...} That the system works does not prove that it is near an optimum. The patent system is filled with arbitrary rules, such as the patent term, and arcane but important practices {...}. The wealth of public rhetoric justifying the patent system as essential - while very likely true - is ironic given the dearth of empirical analysis that policymakers need to assess its costs and benefits Bar-Shalom, Cook-Deegan, 2002, S. 663/671 Dieses Zitat spiegelt schon 2002 wider, was auch heute bezüglich des amerikanischen Patentsystems diskutiert wird. Das System ist mit Abstrichen als wirksam zu bewerten - jedoch gibt es erhebliche Probleme mit den gegenwärtigen Regelungen. Diese werden sowohl in der algemeinen Literatur, als auch speziell innerhalb des Artikels von Sean M. O ́Connor, der meinem Kommentar zugrunde liegt, analysiert und diskutiert. Dabei liefert der Autor wichtige Anregungen für Verbesserungsvorschläge, speziell hinsichtlich der legislativen Entwicklung in der Folge des Bayh Dole Acts und den zahlreichen nicht-staatlichen Initiativen. Im Folgenden werde ich zunächst in einer deskriptiven Analyse den Inhalt des Papiers kurz zusammenfassen um danach Kritikpunkte, Verbesserungsvorschläge und weiter Ansatzpunkte, die von O ́Connor nicht aufgegriffen werden, anzuführen und die Arbeit in den Kontext des aktuellen Diskurses zu stellen.
Studienarbeit aus dem Jahr 2009 im Fachbereich BWL - Unternehmensführung, Management, Organisation, Note: 1.3, Zeppelin University Friedrichshafen, Sprache: Deutsch, Abstract: „Patents are an important element in the innovation system {...}. How patents are managed can foster or hinder innovation and can expand or restrict access to the fruits of federally funded biomedical research {...} That the system works does not prove that it is near an optimum. The patent system is filled with arbitrary rules, such as the patent term, and arcane but important practices {...}. The wealth of public rhetoric justifying the patent system as essential – while very likely true – is ironic given the dearth of empirical analysis that policymakers need to assess its costs and benefits Bar-Shalom, Cook-Deegan, 2002, S. 663/671 Dieses Zitat spiegelt schon 2002 wider, was auch heute bezüglich des amerikanischen Patentsystems diskutiert wird. Das System ist mit Abstrichen als wirksam zu bewerten – jedoch gibt es erhebliche Probleme mit den gegenwärtigen Regelungen. Diese werden sowohl in der algemeinen Literatur, als auch speziell innerhalb des Artikels von Sean M. O ́Connor, der meinem Kommentar zugrunde liegt, analysiert und diskutiert. Dabei liefert der Autor wichtige Anregungen für Verbesserungsvorschläge, speziell hinsichtlich der legislativen Entwicklung in der Folge des Bayh Dole Acts und den zahlreichen nicht-staatlichen Initiativen. Im Folgenden werde ich zunächst in einer deskriptiven Analyse den Inhalt des Papiers kurz zusammenfassen um danach Kritikpunkte, Verbesserungsvorschläge und weiter Ansatzpunkte, die von O ́Connor nicht aufgegriffen werden, anzuführen und die Arbeit in den Kontext des aktuellen Diskurses zu stellen.
Essay from the year 2013 in the subject Pedagogy - Theory of Science, Anthropology, grade: 65, University of Cambridge, language: English, abstract: Ethnographies of the state have undergone increased scrutiny over recent years. There are several reasons for that: Weber’s famous definition of the state as the ‘human community successfully claiming the monopoly of the legitimate use of physical force within a given territory’ has been contested by state-deniers such as Radcliffe-Brown (1940/2006) or later ‘fetishists’ including Abrams (1988) and Taussig (1992). They acknowledged the need to pin down the state in practices of everyday life rather than as an abstract ‘fetishised’ unity. Most recently, heightened influence of globalised companies ('corporate turn', Kapferer, 2005), NGOs and transnational organisations such as the IMF and the world bank (Trouillot, 2001) dispersed centres of sovereignty even further. Following historical developments, the study of the state has come full turn from Hobbes’s ‘Leviathan’ to Foucault’s ‘capillaries’. I will briefly mention several different ethnographic analytics that can help to still trace the state and its effects in this multi-dimensional context – introducing notions of institutions, culture and history as locations for state power – before I focus on the study of a seemingly non-state political expression: resistance. I examine Abu-Lughod’s (1990) mighty claim that where we find resistance, there is power (i.e. the state) with the help of ethnographic case studies from Egypt (Ali, 1996), Botswana (Comaroff, 1985), Malaysia (Scott, 1989), India (Nandy, 1983) and Turkey (Navaro-Yashin, 2002).
Seminar paper from the year 2008 in the subject Art - Installation / Action/Performance Art / Modern Art, grade: 1.3, Zeppelin University Friedrichshafen, language: English, abstract: The core of my term paper is based on two issues. The concept of an "art laboratory" in general and its application on Warhol and Warhols factory. In the first part of my paper, I try to develop the idea of a laboratory. I start with the common sense interpretation of the laboratory in the natural sciences. Afterwards I try to employ different theories taken from the cultural sciences to develop the term for my intention. Bourdieu, Becker, Knorr Cetina and others designed concepts to fill the laboratory idea used by Dragicevic Sesic and Dragojevic with life and in the end of the first part of my paper, I will have an idea of the "art laboratory" which can be used to describe Warhols factory and evaluate its policies in the 1960s. In the next chapter, I will first introduce Warhol and his life in a short introduction. After this, I will describe in a very short paragraph the development oft the art scene in New York in the 1950s and 1960s before I come to describe the factory as Warhol ́s studio and working place and as a meeting point for the new york boheme and scene, as the venue in the 1960s New York. In the last chapter interwoven with the description, I will cope with Warhol ́s policies and with its major aims and tasks prospective power and aesthetics. Especially the concept of avantgarde is a major topic in this cahpter. In a final paragraph, a short recapitulation and reflexion will be done and I will come up with an evaluation of the concept of the "art laboratory" and its appliance to Warhol ́s factory.
Essay from the year 2012 in the subject Pedagogy - Theory of Science, Anthropology, grade: 66, University of Cambridge, language: English, abstract: Discuss whether the anthropological evidence tends to support or refute the idea that there are human cognitive universals. The original debate on human universals was fought on metaphysical grounds long before anthropologists started to write ethnographies. Framed as the argument between Continental Rationalism and Anglo-Scottish Empiricism (see Gell, 1992:7), Descartes and Kant believed in a priori reason as constitutive of categories whereas Hume defends the ‘realness’ of sensitive experience. The former are supportive of the universalism, whereas the latter strictly deny it. This abstract controversy does not further concern us here, however. More concretely, the following essay deals with the universal character of ‘time’ in ethnographic studies. Looking at conceptions of time in the context of the Nuer (Evans-Pritchard, 1987) and most particularly Bali (Bloch, 1977; Geertz, 1993; Howe, 1981), the argument can be made that it is hardly possible to find ethnographic evidence against the notion of a universal concept of time. I will demonstrate with the above examples that on the one hand ethnographies can rarely be used to refute the universality of time but that secondly to differentiate the particularly ethnographic viewpoint is essential.
Essay aus dem Jahr 2013 im Fachbereich Pädagogik - Wissenschaftstheorie, Anthropologie, Note: 2:1, University of Cambridge, Sprache: Deutsch, Abstract: Born out of critique on structuralism and its forbearers, practice theory arises in the late 1970s and early 1980s with Giddens in the UK, Bourdieu in France and Sahlins in the States. It most ardently argues for the relevance of intentional subjects in social and cultural process and similarly the impact of history or event upon the wider social structure (Ortner, 1984:137f). Focusing in the following on the work of Bourdieu (1977), Sahlins (1987, 1994, 2000) and later Ortner (1984, 1989, 2006a, 2006b), I argue that practice does mainly aim at solving one major theoretical problem: how do actors and structure interact in order to ‘make’ the world? How can (intentional) individuals be reconciled with the influence of an overarching system of presumptions? Or as Sahlins puts it (2000:295): "how shall we reconcile structure that are logical and durable with events that are emotional and ephemeral". The common ground most authors build shall also serve as a starting point for the more detailed account as expressed by Ortner (2006:2): practice theories "conceptualise the articulations between the practices of social actors on the ground and the big structures and systems that both constrain those practices and yet are ultimately susceptible to being transformed by them”. In essence, practice theory proposes a dialectical relationship as the solution for the dilemma stated above. As part of this overall-endeavour, practice theory in its various forms has several sub-arguments that are concerned with the notions of structure and actor, the possibility of change as well as the importance of history respectively.
Essay from the year 2011 in the subject Sociology - Classics and Theoretical Directions, grade: Distinction, London School of Economics, language: English, abstract: Durkheim followed one central question during his writings, namely the search for the "bonds which unite men one with another" (Durkheim, 1888: 257). Especially Durkheim's early works are concerned in this respect with the forms of 'solidarit ' that are specific for pre-industrial or lower societies in contrast to the ongoing industrialised or organised kind of community. In the 'Division of Labour', Durkheim arrives at a rather pessimistic account of modern, industrial society: although under 'normal circumstances' the division of labour leads to a harmonious society bound together by solidarity, our current form of industrial organisation is in an "appaling crisis" (ibd.: 339) composed of "organs that still clash discordantly together" (ibd.: 340). It is this account Durkheim gives of solidarity in the modern society that can be criticised substantially. The following essay will therefore consist of an analysis of his line of thought that leads him from early societies bound together by what he calls 'mechanical solidarity' based on similarities, to the notion of 'organic solidarity' in the 'contractual society'. Especially his optimistic, evolutionary account of the development of solidarity, his use of empirical data and finally his idealised notion of society are possible points of doubt as will be shown. The concluding remarks will lift Durkheim's analysis from the early 20th Century to a contemporary account trying to extend it with Foucault's 'penal society'.
Essay from the year 2013 in the subject Ethnology / Cultural Anthropology, grade: 64%, University of Cambridge, language: English, abstract: As Geertz himself has recognised, “one cannot write a ‘General Theory of Cultural Interpretation’” (TD, 26). It might therefore be wrong right from the beginning to talk about his ‘project’. Accepting this notion for a moment, one has furthermore to acknowledge that Geertz has only picked up different traditions – namely those of Weber, Boas and Kluckhohn in the social sciences and Wittgenstein and Husserl in philosophy – and ‘melted’ them into a distinguishable whole (Ortner, 1984). If one also dismisses this historical analysis for a moment and takes Geertz project of an ‘interpretive anthropology’ as a given whole, a description develops around his notions of semiotic culture, thick description, small matters and native narratives. It is in those ideas that one finds both Geertz’ strengths and weaknesses as I argue below. Arguing both in abstract, theoretical terms and in relation to Geertz’ major ethnographies – Negara, Meaning and order in Moroccan society and Deep play – the significance of the interpretive project is undeniable but not without limitations: Does the interpretation of culture as a text make sense? How does Geertz link his focus on ‘small matters’ towards an analysis of culture? Is it possible to deny theory?
Essay from the year 2013 in the subject Ethnology / Cultural Anthropology, grade: 62%, University of Cambridge, language: English, abstract: Even though scholars directly involved in the discourse were themselves not able to clearly differentiate between structuralism, functionalism and the various combinations of the two terms, retrospectively, two lines have been drawn. The first is between functionalism which was brought forward by Malinowski and his followers at the LSE and structural-functionalism. The latter was historically developed as a direct reply to a Malinowskian individualism by Radcliffe-Brown, Fortes and Evans-Pritchard. The line this essay is going to blur separates structural-functionalism from originally French structuralism as coined by Levi-Strauss. I argue that those retrospective lines are nowadays often as artificial as they were for contemporary scholars in the early 1900s. Many commonalities – in their striving for universal laws, and even their fallacies – are contrasted by some differences, mainly in their treatment of fieldwork and the concept of structure. The different schools of thought were organically growing out of each other rendering the continuity of features natural. Only paying attention in passing to the earlier, ‘purely’ functionalist school of Malinowski, I compare the structural functionalism most clearly visible in Radcliffe-Brown with Levi-Strauss’ structuralism. Let me briefly put forward his arguments on methods in general as well as function and structure in particular before Levi-Strauss enters the analysis.
A probing examination of the dynamic history of predictive methods and values in science and engineering that helps us better understand today’s cultures of prediction. The ability to make reliable predictions based on robust and replicable methods is a defining feature of the scientific endeavor, allowing engineers to determine whether a building will stand up or where a cannonball will strike. Cultures of Prediction, which bridges history and philosophy, uncovers the dynamic history of prediction in science and engineering over four centuries. Ann Johnson and Johannes Lenhard identify four different cultures, or modes, of prediction in the history of science and engineering: rational, empirical, iterative-numerical, and exploratory-iterative. They show how all four develop together and interact with one another while emphasizing that mathematization is not a single unitary process but one that has taken many forms. The story is not one of the triumph of abstract mathematics or technology but of how different modes of prediction, complementary concepts of mathematization, and technology coevolved, building what the authors call “cultures of prediction.” The first part of the book examines prediction from early modernity up to the computer age. The second part probes computer-related cultures of prediction, which focus on making things and testing their performance, often in computer simulations. This new orientation challenges basic tenets of the philosophy of science, in which scientific theories and models are predominantly seen as explanatory rather than predictive. It also influences the types of research projects that scientists and engineers undertake, as well as which ones receive support from funding agencies.
Seminar paper from the year 2009 in the subject Business economics - Personnel and Organisation, grade: 1.3, Zeppelin University Friedrichshafen, language: English, abstract: Intangible Asstes and especially human resources are crucial for the present and future success of a company. Many studies have found out the importance of human resources as a strategic resource following the argumentation of Prahalad and Hamelt and their resource based view. The need for a HR management system is therefore perceivable. Different approaches have been made including Human Resource Accounting and a Human Resource Balanced Scorecard. These attempts, however, are either not meaningful for the practical use or not holistic in terms of money and strategy. After discussing the problems of the various approaches, I tried to combine different means towards an adaption of the Human Resource Balanced Scorecard developed by Becker et al..
Compare, contrast, and assess attempts by at least two anthropologists to analyse politics in terms of temporal processes rather than (a-temporal) structure.
Compare, contrast, and assess attempts by at least two anthropologists to analyse politics in terms of temporal processes rather than (a-temporal) structure.
Essay from the year 2012 in the subject Pedagogy - Theory of Science, Anthropology, grade: 65, University of Cambridge, language: English, abstract: Compare, contrast, and assess attempts by at least two anthropologists to analyse politics in terms of temporal processes rather than (a-temporal) structure. Edmund Leach published his account of the Kachin society in Highland Burma in 1954, fourteen years after Evans-Pritchard’s and Fortes’ classical structural-functionalist collection on ‘African Political Systems’. Only four years after Leach, Barth’s ‘Swat Pathans’ enters the debate. Both Barth and Leach differ remarkably in their methodological approach fousing on change and process. While Radcliffe-Brown (Fortes & Evans-Pritchard, 2006:vi) proclaims in his preface to ‘African Political Systems’ that the aim of anthropology is to "discover the universal, essential, characters which belong to all human societies, past, present and future", Leach (Leach, 2004) heavily criticises the implicit underlying assumption of equilibrium. Instead, he focuses on the study of the “constantly changing environment” and society as “a process in time” (ibid.:5). As I will argue his process is still very much structural, however. In contrast to structure, Barth makes individual action his centre piece that aggregates to higher political levels in temporal processes. In the following analysis, I will complement my analysis of the two core texts mentioned above with methodological writings comparing Barth’s and Leach’s account of political processes in Pakistan and Burma respectively.
Essay from the year 2012 in the subject Philosophy - Philosophy of the 20th century, grade: 2:1, London School of Economics, course: Modern Social Thought, language: English, abstract: Today, Benjamin’s ‘angel of history’, his ‘angelus novus’ has to fight an even greater danger than the storm of progress that was characteristic for Benjamin’s time. Today’s force is more material, more powerful and perhaps even more catastrophic but just as total and real as was the storm blowing away the angel sixty years ago. The angel has finally found a counterpart that fights him, something that he can touch. But does this make it easier for the angel, the embodiment of history, “to stay, awaken the dead, make whole what has been smashed” (392) or are we still to await the coming of a messiah that can win over the antichrist (391)?
Essay from the year 2012 in the subject Pedagogy - Theory of Science, Anthropology, grade: 64, University of Cambridge, language: English, abstract: Why have hunting and gathering societies been described as ‘affluent’ and ‘egalitarian’? Are they? To start with a rather polemic answer to the explicit question whether hunter-gatherers are affluent, it seems to be the case that many of them nowadays are suffering from poverty. A few, on the other hand, accumulate riches that are impressive – even judged with a Western standard. This is what Gell (1988) shows for the Muria in India. Those people are predominantly not hunting and gathering anymore, however, but under the influence of a modern economy. They are capitalists without capitalist notions of boastful and lavish consumption.
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