Expansion and development of urban areas require acquisition of land, which, in turn, often requires physical relocation of people who own or occupy this land. Land acquisition and resettlement may also be required to improve the lives of the more than 1 billion people who currently live in slums around the world, most of them in developing countries. Therefore, any effort to embark on significant, sustainable urban development needs to ensure that there are adequate processes for land acquisition and, so that resettlement does not become a constraint to much needed urban development. Planners, policy makers and social scientists can try to implement urban development programs in a way that make people who lose their land, houses or livelihoods become equal partners in the development process. The combination of the high price of urban land, presence of creative individuals in close proximity in urban areas, and the ability of urban space to generate innovative solutions, can help convert urban resettlement into a development opportunity for all. The report illustrates how urban resettlement can become a development opportunity. The Mumbai example shows how the private sector can play a key role, to unleash the potential created by high-value land to provide sustainable housing solutions to those adversely affected, at no cost to the government or the resettlers. Examples from Morocco and Pakistan show how well designed and implemented, citizen-driven resettlement can result in enhanced skills and livelihoods, and can promote overall sustainable urban development. The Mauritania example demonstrates how collective approaches with strong community participation can help address difficult challenges related to housing. The Brazil case shows how resettlement practices with demonstrated, strongly positive outcomes and contributions to urban development can influence governments to incorporate them into their own laws and regulations, helping millions of affected people to benefit from them.
This book represents the first comprehensive century-long history of the disciplinary development of sociology in Serbia in English. It provides an overview of the constitution of sociology as an academic discipline during the interwar period, its reinstitutionalization after World War II in entirely new social circumstances marked by establishment of self-management socialism in Yugoslavia, and finally its development during the turbulent postsocialist period. Divided into five chapters, the focus of the book is on the challenges that sociology has faced in order to maintain its institutional position, gain adequate social recognition, and preserve its professional autonomy. Relying on Bourdieu's concept of the academic field and Burawoy's typology of Professional, Critical, Public and Policy sociology, the book seeks to answer the question of how the sociological academic field in Serbia has been constituted, structured and restructured, and in which of these roles sociology has dominantly appeared in different phases of its evolution.
What is the appropriate political response to mass atrocity? In Hijacked Justice, Jelena Subotic traces the design, implementation, and political outcomes of institutions established to deal with the legacies of violence in the aftermath of the Yugoslav wars. She finds that international efforts to establish accountability for war crimes in the former Yugoslavia have been used to pursue very different local political goals.Responding to international pressures, Serbia, Croatia, and Bosnia have implemented various mechanisms of "transitional justice"—the systematic addressing of past crimes after conflicts end. Transitional justice in the three countries, however, was guided by ulterior political motives: to get rid of domestic political opponents, to obtain international financial aid, or to gain admission to the European Union. Subotic argues that when transitional justice becomes "hijacked" for such local political strategies, it fosters domestic backlash, deepens political instability, and even creates alternative, politicized versions of history. That war crimes trials (such as those in The Hague) and truth commissions (as in South Africa) are necessary and desirable has become a staple belief among those concerned with reconstructing societies after conflict. States are now expected to deal with their violent legacies in an institutional setting rather than through blanket amnesty or victor's justice. This new expectation, however, has produced paradoxical results. In order to avoid the pitfalls of hijacked justice, Subotic argues, the international community should focus on broader and deeper social transformation of postconflict societies, instead on emphasizing only arrests of war crimes suspects.
In the years following the fall of Slobodan Milosevic, Serbian social, cultural and political responses to the wars of the 1990s have fallen under intense scrutiny. In Ethnic Conflict and War Crimes in the Balkans, Jelena Obradovic-Wochnik explores some of those responses - taking into consideration notions such as silence, denial and conspiracy theory, the book sheds some light on the complicated narratives about the 1990s. The book considers the experience of knowing, witnessing and speaking about atrocities, and thus contributes to the debates on confronting the past in Serbia. Specifically, it considers how individuals of the "ordinary" public in Serbia reflect upon, understand and keep secrets about the 1991-1999 conflicts in Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Kosovo, and the atrocities, human rights abuses and war crimes which were committed there. Close attention is paid to the stories of individuals whose voices and experiences are generally excluded from the broader debate about the past. Jelena Obradovic-Wochnik explores how these narratives diverge from, resist and are invisible to the formal and civil society initiatives aimed at confronting the past in Serbia.In doing so, the book also explores silence about and denial of the violent past, and considers how and where these dynamics manifest and what they might mean. In addition, it covers themes such as narratives of self-victimhood, conspiracy theory and the perception of war-time leaders and combatants. This is a detailed and considered investigation into how groups cope with knowledge and the witnessing of violent pasts. It is based on ethnographic research and interviews with a group of 'ordinary' individuals, in post-Milosevic Serbia. As such, it provides a unique perspective on the lived experience of the conflicts, and the ways in which stories of the 1990s emerge in everyday contexts.
This chapter introduces the concept of gastrointestinal absorption simulation using in silico methodology. Parameters used for model construction and the sensitivity predicted pharmacokinetic responses to various input parameters are described. Virtual trials for in silico modeling of drug absorption are presented. The influence of food on drug absorption, as well as correlation between the in vitro and in vivo results, are also addressed, followed by biowaiver considerations. Numerous examples are provided throughout the chapter.
Yellow Star, Red Star asks why Holocaust memory continues to be so deeply troubled—ignored, appropriated, and obfuscated—throughout Eastern Europe, even though it was in those lands that most of the extermination campaign occurred. As part of accession to the European Union, Jelena Subotić shows, East European states were required to adopt, participate in, and contribute to the established Western narrative of the Holocaust. This requirement created anxiety and resentment in post-communist states: Holocaust memory replaced communist terror as the dominant narrative in Eastern Europe, focusing instead on predominantly Jewish suffering in World War II. Influencing the European Union's own memory politics and legislation in the process, post-communist states have attempted to reconcile these two memories by pursuing new strategies of Holocaust remembrance. The memory, symbols, and imagery of the Holocaust have been appropriated to represent crimes of communism. Yellow Star, Red Star presents in-depth accounts of Holocaust remembrance practices in Serbia, Croatia, and Lithuania, and extends the discussion to other East European states. The book demonstrates how countries of the region used Holocaust remembrance as a political strategy to resolve their contemporary "ontological insecurities"—insecurities about their identities, about their international status, and about their relationships with other international actors. As Subotić concludes, Holocaust memory in Eastern Europe has never been about the Holocaust or about the desire to remember the past, whether during communism or in its aftermath. Rather, it has been about managing national identities in a precarious and uncertain world.
Expansion and development of urban areas require acquisition of land, which, in turn, often requires physical relocation of people who own or occupy this land. Land acquisition and resettlement may also be required to improve the lives of the more than 1 billion people who currently live in slums around the world, most of them in developing countries. Therefore, any effort to embark on significant, sustainable urban development needs to ensure that there are adequate processes for land acquisition and, so that resettlement does not become a constraint to much needed urban development. Planners, policy makers and social scientists can try to implement urban development programs in a way that make people who lose their land, houses or livelihoods become equal partners in the development process. The combination of the high price of urban land, presence of creative individuals in close proximity in urban areas, and the ability of urban space to generate innovative solutions, can help convert urban resettlement into a development opportunity for all. The report illustrates how urban resettlement can become a development opportunity. The Mumbai example shows how the private sector can play a key role, to unleash the potential created by high-value land to provide sustainable housing solutions to those adversely affected, at no cost to the government or the resettlers. Examples from Morocco and Pakistan show how well designed and implemented, citizen-driven resettlement can result in enhanced skills and livelihoods, and can promote overall sustainable urban development. The Mauritania example demonstrates how collective approaches with strong community participation can help address difficult challenges related to housing. The Brazil case shows how resettlement practices with demonstrated, strongly positive outcomes and contributions to urban development can influence governments to incorporate them into their own laws and regulations, helping millions of affected people to benefit from them.
Expansion and development of urban areas require acquisition of land, which, in turn, often requires physical relocation of people who own or occupy this land. Land acquisition and resettlement may also be required to improve the lives of the more than 1 billion people who currently live in slums around the world, most of them in developing countries. Therefore, any effort to embark on significant, sustainable urban development needs to ensure that there are adequate processes for land acquisition and, so that resettlement does not become a constraint to much needed urban development. Planners, policy makers and social scientists can try to implement urban development programs in a way that make people who lose their land, houses or livelihoods become equal partners in the development process. The combination of the high price of urban land, presence of creative individuals in close proximity in urban areas, and the ability of urban space to generate innovative solutions, can help convert urban resettlement into a development opportunity for all. The report illustrates how urban resettlement can become a development opportunity. The Mumbai example shows how the private sector can play a key role, to unleash the potential created by high-value land to provide sustainable housing solutions to those adversely affected, at no cost to the government or the resettlers. Examples from Morocco and Pakistan show how well designed and implemented, citizen-driven resettlement can result in enhanced skills and livelihoods, and can promote overall sustainable urban development. The Mauritania example demonstrates how collective approaches with strong community participation can help address difficult challenges related to housing. The Brazil case shows how resettlement practices with demonstrated, strongly positive outcomes and contributions to urban development can influence governments to incorporate them into their own laws and regulations, helping millions of affected people to benefit from them.
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