The use of what others have thrown away by those who squat in abandoned buildings, build neighborhoods on seeming wasteland, and occupy public spaces has been a fundamental factor in the survival of social movements during their protest activities. In The Political Theory of Salvage, Jason Kosnoski explores the political and theoretical significance of the use of salvaging discarded materials during these protests. Not only does salvage provide raw material for maintaining encampments and structures but, more importantly, this activity also encourages anti-capitalist and radical democratic consciousness. Through the use of theorists such as John Dewey, Giles Deleuze, Lauren Berlant, Henri Lefebvre, Michael Hardt, and Antonio Negri, Kosnoski suggests new possibilities for both integrating salvage more widely into left political practice and rethinking organizational questions that have vexed contemporary anti-capitalist movements.
This book uses John Dewey to articulate discursive practices that would help citizens form better intellectual and moral relationships with their fragmented, shifting political environment. These practices do not impart more or better information to citizens, but instead consist in dialog exhibiting rhythms and patterns that increase their interest in inquiring how distant events and communities affect their individual lives. The basis for these practices can be found in Dewey's claim that teachers can lead class discussions with particular 'aesthetic' qualities that encourage students to expand the scale of the realm of events that they deem important to their lives. The ability to forge moral and intellectual links with distant political events becomes all the more necessary in our current environment-not only are individuals' lives increasingly affected by global events, but also such events constantly shift across an increasingly 'liquid' social landscape comprised of decentralized institutions, instantaneous communication and easy transportation. Dewey saw early on how such 'aesthetics' of society, or its spatial and temporal qualities, might undermine citizens' understanding and concern for the larger public. This concern for how the movement and location of elements of the social environment might affect citizen perception ties Dewey to many contemporary geographers, economists and social theorists normally not associated with his work. If Dewey's classrooms were to be reinterpreted as political associations and his teachers as organizers, individuals discussing the origins of their seemingly local issues in such associations could forge passionate moral connections with the contemporary liquid public. Subsequently, they might begin to increasingly care for, participate in global politics and seek solidarity with seemingly distant communities.
The use of what others have thrown away by those who squat in abandoned buildings, build neighborhoods on seeming wasteland, and occupy public spaces has been a fundamental factor in the survival of social movements during their protest activities. In The Political Theory of Salvage, Jason Kosnoski explores the political and theoretical significance of the use of salvaging discarded materials during these protests. Not only does salvage provide raw material for maintaining encampments and structures but, more importantly, this activity also encourages anti-capitalist and radical democratic consciousness. Through the use of theorists such as John Dewey, Giles Deleuze, Lauren Berlant, Henri Lefebvre, Michael Hardt, and Antonio Negri, Kosnoski suggests new possibilities for both integrating salvage more widely into left political practice and rethinking organizational questions that have vexed contemporary anti-capitalist movements.
This book uses John Dewey to articulate discursive practices that would help citizens form better intellectual and moral relationships with their fragmented, shifting political environment. These practices do not impart more or better information to citizens, but instead consist in dialog exhibiting rhythms and patterns that increase their interest in inquiring how distant events and communities affect their individual lives. The basis for these practices can be found in Dewey's claim that teachers can lead class discussions with particular 'aesthetic' qualities that encourage students to expand the scale of the realm of events that they deem important to their lives. The ability to forge moral and intellectual links with distant political events becomes all the more necessary in our current environment-not only are individuals' lives increasingly affected by global events, but also such events constantly shift across an increasingly 'liquid' social landscape comprised of decentralized institutions, instantaneous communication and easy transportation. Dewey saw early on how such 'aesthetics' of society, or its spatial and temporal qualities, might undermine citizens' understanding and concern for the larger public. This concern for how the movement and location of elements of the social environment might affect citizen perception ties Dewey to many contemporary geographers, economists and social theorists normally not associated with his work. If Dewey's classrooms were to be reinterpreted as political associations and his teachers as organizers, individuals discussing the origins of their seemingly local issues in such associations could forge passionate moral connections with the contemporary liquid public. Subsequently, they might begin to increasingly care for, participate in global politics and seek solidarity with seemingly distant communities.
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