Nelsen and Guth contend that religion, or "confessional culture, " plays a powerful role in shaping European ideas about politics, attitudes toward European integration, and national and continental identities in its leaders and citizens. Catholicism has for centuries promoted the unity of Christendom, while Protestantism has valued particularity and feared Catholic dominance. These confessional cultures, the authors argue, have resulted in two very different visions of Europe that have deeply influenced the process of postwar integration. Catholics have seen Europe as a single cultural entity that is best governed by a single polity; Protestants have never felt part of continental culture and have valued national borders as protectors of liberties historically threatened by Catholic powers. Catholics have pressed for a politically united Europe; Protestants have resisted sacrificing sovereignty to federal institutions, favoring pragmatic cooperation. Despite growing secularization of the continent, not to mention the impact of Islam, confessional culture still exerts enormous influence. And, the authors conclude, European elites must recognize the enduring significance of this Catholic-Protestant cultural divide as the EU attempts to solve its social and economic and political crises.
The 1988 elections abruptly brought the importance of religion in American politics into sharp focus. Two ministers, Pat Robertson and Jesse Jackson, sought their party's presidential nominations by mobilizing key religious constituencies. In addition, a host of other religious groups, from the Catholic bishops to the Jewish community, sought to influence the election outcome. More than ever, religion was a critical factor in the ballots cast by millions of Americans. As the twentieth century draws to a close, it is clear that religion will continue to be a powerful factor in electoral politics. This volume investigates the many ways religion influenced electoral politics in 1988, tracing the links between elites, activists, and voters in the major religious traditions. Special attention is paid to the leaders of Protestant, Catholic, and Jewish organizations; to important sets of activists, such as ministers, party leaders, and campaign contributors; and to the behavior of key voting blocs, including white evangelical and mainline Protestants, black Protestants, Catholics, and Jews.
This book of original essays provides an objective and enlightening analysis of the emergence and changing forms of the New Christian Right. The subject is in itself important in contemporary American life, but in addition The New Christian Right reexamines standard theories of social movements and the relationship between religion and politics in America today. The book presents findings from original research, including surveys, personal interviews with elites, analysis of financial documents, reanalysis of existing data, and analysis of direct-mail solicitations and other primary literature. The New Christian Right is balanced and objective rather than partisan and evaluative. Using non-technical and non-jargonistic language, the authors raise questions concerning the nature of religion, the role of status groups, and contemporary directions in American culture.
Nelsen and Guth contend that religion, or "confessional culture, " plays a powerful role in shaping European ideas about politics, attitudes toward European integration, and national and continental identities in its leaders and citizens. Catholicism has for centuries promoted the unity of Christendom, while Protestantism has valued particularity and feared Catholic dominance. These confessional cultures, the authors argue, have resulted in two very different visions of Europe that have deeply influenced the process of postwar integration. Catholics have seen Europe as a single cultural entity that is best governed by a single polity; Protestants have never felt part of continental culture and have valued national borders as protectors of liberties historically threatened by Catholic powers. Catholics have pressed for a politically united Europe; Protestants have resisted sacrificing sovereignty to federal institutions, favoring pragmatic cooperation. Despite growing secularization of the continent, not to mention the impact of Islam, confessional culture still exerts enormous influence. And, the authors conclude, European elites must recognize the enduring significance of this Catholic-Protestant cultural divide as the EU attempts to solve its social and economic and political crises.
In Religion in the Public Square, James M. Patterson considers religious leaders who popularized theology through media campaigns designed to persuade the public. Ven. Fulton J. Sheen, Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., and Rev. Jerry Falwell differed profoundly on issues of theology and politics, but they shared an approach to public ministry that aimed directly at changing how Americans understood the nature and purpose of their country. From the 1930s through the 1950s, Sheen was an early adopter of paperbacks, radio, and television to condemn totalitarian ideologies and to defend American Catholicism against Protestant accusations of divided loyalty. During the 1950s and 1960s, King staged demonstrations and boycotts that drew the mass media to him. The attention provided him the platform to preach Christian love as a political foundation in direct opposition to white supremacy. Falwell started his own church, which he developed into a mass media empire. He then leveraged it during the late 1970s through the 1980s to influence the Republican Party by exhorting his audience to not only ally with religious conservatives around issues of abortion and the traditional family but also to vote accordingly. Sheen, King, and Falwell were so successful in popularizing their theological ideas that they won prestigious awards, had access to presidents, and witnessed the results of their labors. However, Patterson argues that Falwell's efforts broke with the longstanding refusal of religious public figures to participate directly in partisan affairs and thereby catalyzed the process of politicizing religion that undermined the Judeo-Christian consensus that formed the foundation of American politics.
After the reelection of George W. Bush in 2004, the "God Gap" became a hotly debated political issue. Religious voters were seen as the key to Bush's victory, and Democrats began scrambling to reach out to them. Four years later, however, with the economy in a tailspin on election day, religion barely seemed to register on people's radar screens. In this book, a team of well-regarded scholars digs deeper to examine the role religion played in the 2008 campaign. They take a long view, placing the election in historical context and looking at the campaign as a whole, from the primaries through all the way through election day. At the heart of their analysis is data gleaned from a national survey conducted by the authors, in which voters were interviewed in the spring of 2008 and then re-interviewed after the election.
William Winslade presents facts about traumatic brain injury; information about its financial and emotional costs to individuals, families, and society; and key ethical and policy issues. He illustrates each aspect with dramatic case studies, including his own childhood brain injury. He explains how the brain works and how severe injuries affect it, both immediately and over the long term, pointing out how resources are often squandered on patients with poor prognoses but adequate insurance, while underinsured patients with better prognoses often do not receive the best care. He describes the lack of regulation in the rehabilitation industry and what federal and state legislatures are doing to correct the situation. And he recommends policy changes for lowering the instances of traumatic brain injury (such as raising the minimum driving age) as well as practical steps that individuals can take to protect themselves from brain trauma. William J. Winslade is James Wade Rockwell Professor of Philosophy in Medicine at the Institute for the Medical Humanities, professor of preventive medicine and community health, and professor of psychiatry and behavioral sciences at the University of Texas Medical Branch at Galveston. He is also Distinguished Visiting Professor of Law at the University of Houston Health Law and Policy Institute.
The 1988 elections abruptly brought the importance of religion in American politics into sharp focus. Two ministers, Pat Robertson and Jesse Jackson, sought their party's presidential nominations by mobilizing key religious constituencies. In addition, a host of other religious groups, from the Catholic bishops to the Jewish community, sought to influence the election outcome. More than ever, religion was a critical factor in the ballots cast by millions of Americans. As the twentieth century draws to a close, it is clear that religion will continue to be a powerful factor in electoral politics. This volume investigates the many ways religion influenced electoral politics in 1988, tracing the links between elites, activists, and voters in the major religious traditions. Special attention is paid to the leaders of Protestant, Catholic, and Jewish organizations; to important sets of activists, such as ministers, party leaders, and campaign contributors; and to the behavior of key voting blocs, including white evangelical and mainline Protestants, black Protestants, Catholics, and Jews.
According to current polls, about 85 percent of Americans identify with some religious faith and more than 40 percent say they attend religious services at least once a week. In recent years, religious observance—and even religious belief—have become important factors influencing voter choice. Active participation in electoral politics by some religious groups has fueled apprehensions that the traditional separation of church and state may be threatened. A. James Reichley explores the questions and conflicting positions surrounding the relations between government and politics in a new book that draws upon his landmark work, Religion in American Public Life. In Faith in Politics, Reichley explores the history of religion in American public life, and considers some practical and philosophic questions affecting future participation by religious groups in the formation of public policy. Reichley begins by examining the various attitudes and points of view of strict separationists, liberal social activists, moderate accommodationists, and direct interventionists. He goes on to discuss the way religion and politics relate to each other through a theoretic structure of seven value systems: monism, absolutism, ecstacism, egoism, collectivism, civil humanism, and transcendent idealism. Further chapters examine the trends and constitutional arrangements that developed during the formative years of the American Republic; the evolution of judicial interpretations of the free exercise and establishment clauses; and the history of church involvement in politics from the early years of the Republic to the 2000 election and the aftermath of the September 11 terrorist attacks. A chapter covering events and developments from 1986 to 2002 includes accounts of political activism by the African American church, ideological divisions among Roman Catholics, Jewish liberalism and commitment to Israel, the rise and decline of the religious right, and political differences
Ten years have passed since It Hooft and Polyakov demonstrat ed that superheavy magnetic monopoles were a natural consequence of any Grand Unified Theory (GUT) in which the unifying group contains a U(l) factor as a subgroup. An analysis of these GUTs in an expanding, cooling universe yields a phase transition at an energy ~l015 GeV and at a cosmic time ~lO-35 seconds after the big bang. The general consequences of GUTs and this phase transition are the prediction of proton decay, the production of superheavy magnetic monopoles, and an understanding of the observed excess of matter over anti-matter in the universe. Attempts to provide experimental verification of GUTs has led to valiant experimental efforts in recent years to observe nucleon decay in massive underground detectors. Experiments to search for superheavy monopoles may eventually require similar efforts. Since the unification scale is unreachable in the laboratory, monopole detectors must search for relics of the big bang. Much theoretical groundwork has been accomplished in recent years with the development of GUTs. In Part I of this book, Erick Weinberg gives a theoretical overview of the role of magnetic monopoles in the various unification schemes. Monopoles in the context of the newly revived Kaluza-Klein theories are presented by several authors and are summarized by Qaisar Shafi. Mike Turner begins Part II with a discussion of monopoles in standard big bang cosmology. Paul Steinhardt follows with his perspectives on the inflationary universe; C.
Since the original edition of Dynamics of the Party System was published in 1973, American politics have continued on a tumultuous course. In the vacuum left by the decline of the Democratic and Republican parties, single-interest groups have risen and flourished. Protest movements on the left and the New Right at the opposite pole have challenged and divided the major parties, and the Reagan Revolution--in reversing a fifty-year trend toward governmental expansion--may turn out to have revolutionized the party system too. In this edition, as in the first, current political trends and events are placed in a historical and theoretical context. Focusing upon three major realignments of the past--those of the 1850s, the 1890s, and the 1930s--Sundquist traces the processes by which basic transformations of the country's two-party system occur. From the historical case studies, he fashions a theory as to the why and how of party realignment, then applies it to current and recent developments, through the first two years of the Reagan presidency and the midterm election of 1982. The theoretical sections of the first edition are refined in this one, the historical sections are revised to take account of recent scholarship, and the chapters dealing with the postwar period are almost wholly rewritten. The conclusion of the original work is, in general, confirmed: the existing party system is likely to be strengthened as public attention is again riveted on domestic economic issues, and the headlong trend of recent decades toward political independence and party disintegration reversed, at least for a time.
This book explains why the American public thinks of itself as conservative, but supports liberal positions on specific policy matters. Much scholarly work and popular commentary discusses the ideology of the American public: whether the public should be thought of as liberal or conservative, and why. This book is the first to focus squarely on the contradiction in public attitudes. By doing so, it can provide a broader explanation of American political ideology, and how American citizens connect their own beliefs and values to the choices presented by policy makers.
Elastomers and rubberlike materials form a critical component in diverse applications that range from tyres to biomimetics and are used in chemical, biomedical, mechanical and electrical engineering. This updated and expanded edition provides an elementary introduction to the physical and molecular concepts governing elastic behaviour, with a particular focus on elastomers. The coverage of fundamental principles has been greatly extended and fully revised, with analogies to more familiar systems such as gases, producing an engaging approach to these phenomena. Dedicated chapters on novel uses of elastomers, covering bioelastomers, filled elastomers and liquid crystalline elastomers, illustrate the established and emerging applications at the forefront of physical science. With a list of experiments and demonstrations, problem sets and solutions, this is a self-contained introduction to the topic for graduate students, researchers and industrialists working in the applied fields of physics and chemistry, polymer science and engineering.
A Pulitzer Prize winner’s “immensely readable” history of the United States from FDR’s election to the final days of the Cold War (Publishers Weekly). The Crosswinds of Freedom is an articulate and incisive examination of the United States during its rise to become the world’s sole superpower. Here is a young democracy transformed by the Great Depression, the Second World War, the Cold War, the rapid pace of technological change, and the distinct visions of nine presidents. Spanning fifty-six years and touching on many corners of the nation’s complex cultural tapestry, Burns’s work is a remarkable look at the forces that gave rise to the “American Century.”
The Pulitzer Prize–winning author’s stunning trilogy of American history, spanning the birth of the Constitution to the final days of the Cold War. In these three volumes, Pulitzer Prize– and National Book Award–winner James MacGregor Burns chronicles with depth and narrative panache the most significant cultural, economic, and political events of American history. In The Vineyard of Liberty, he combines the color and texture of early American life with meticulous scholarship. Focusing on the tensions leading up to the Civil War, Burns brilliantly shows how Americans became divided over the meaning of Liberty. In The Workshop of Democracy, Burns explores more than a half-century of dramatic growth and transformation of the American landscape, through the addition of dozens of new states, the shattering tragedy of the First World War, the explosion of industry, and, in the end, the emergence of the United States as a new global power. And in The Crosswinds of Freedom, Burns offers an articulate and incisive examination of the US during its rise to become the world’s sole superpower—through the Great Depression, the Second World War, the Cold War, and the rapid pace of technological change that gave rise to the “American Century.”
Thank you for visiting our website. Would you like to provide feedback on how we could improve your experience?
This site does not use any third party cookies with one exception — it uses cookies from Google to deliver its services and to analyze traffic.Learn More.