Southern Arkansas University began as a residential agricultural high school, the Third District Agricultural School, in 1909. The school evolved into a junior college, popularly known as Magnolia A&M College, and later into a four-year institution, Southern State College. These four institutions served, primarily, young people of southwest Arkansas and provided extraordinary support to students, often the first in their families to seek degrees. The schools' educational value has been exceptional, as measured in graduates' achievements. Distinguished graduates have included, among many others, Gen. Horace Wade, '36, vice chief of staff, US Air Force; Leland Tollett, '56, president of Tyson Foods; Harry Thomason, '62, Hollywood producer and director; Cinda Hallman, '66, CEO, Spherion Corporation; Joyce Elliot, '73, Arkansas state senator and educational reformer; Joan Dempsey, '81, deputy director, US Central Intelligence Agency; and Fernando Barbosa, '92, managing director, Walt Disney Television International.
During the Civil War, African American war correspondent Thomas Morris Chester was so inspired by the men of the 36th United States Colored Troops that he declared the group to be "a model regiment." Composed primarily of former slaves recruited from Union-occupied areas of eastern North Carolina and southeastern Virginia, the 36th USCT participated in large-scale expeditions to liberate slaves, guarded Confederate prisoners at major POW camps, served in the trenches before Petersburg and Richmond, and stood as one of the first units to enter the abandoned Confederate capital on April 3, 1865. This volume, which includes a complete regimental roster, explores the background of these former slaves and their families, examines their initial recruitment and chronicles their military contributions throughout the war. More than a unit history, the story of the 36th USCT offers a vivid portrait of the challenging transition from slavery to freedom.
This is one of the most important baseball books to be published in a long time, taking a comprehensive look at black participation in the national pastime from 1858 through 1900. It provides team rosters and team histories, player biographies, a list of umpires and games they officiated and information on team managers and team secretaries. Well known organizations like the Washington's Mutuals, Philadelphia Pythians, Chicago Uniques, St. Louis Black Stockings, Cuban Giants and Chicago Unions are documented, as well as lesser known teams like the Wilmington Mutuals, Newton Black Stockings, San Francisco Enterprise, Dallas Black Stockings, Galveston Flyaways, Louisville Brotherhoods and Helena Pastimes. Player biographies trace their connections between teams across the country. Essays frame the biographies, discussing the social and cultural events that shaped black baseball. Waiters and barbers formed the earliest organized clubs and developed local, regional and national circuits. Some players belonged to both white and colored clubs, and some umpires officiated colored, white and interracial matches. High schools nurtured young players and transformed them into powerhouse teams, like Cincinnati's Vigilant Base Ball Club. A special essay covers visual representations of black baseball and the artists who created them, including colored artists of color who were also baseballists.
The Wagner Act of 1935 (later the Wagner-Taft-Hartley Act of 1947) was intended to democratize vast numbers of American workplaces: the federal government was to encourage worker organization and the substitution of collective bargaining for employers' unilateral determination of vital work-place matters. Yet this system of industrial democracy was never realized; the promise was "broken." In this rare inside look at the process of government regulation over the last forty-five years, James A. Gross analyzes why the promise of the policy was never fulfilled. Gross looks at how the National Labor Relations Board's (NLRB) policy-making has been influenced by the President, the Congress, the Supreme Court, public opinion, resistance by organized employers, the political and economic strategies of organized labor, and the ideological dispositions of NLRB appointees. This book provides the historical perspective needed for a reevaluation of national labor policy. It delineates where we are now, how we got here, and what fundamental questions must be addressed if policy-makers are to make changes consistent with the underlying principles of democracy.
At the start of the Civil War, volunteers from six counties in southeastern Alabama formed the 15th Alabama Infantry Regiment. As part of Robert E. Lee's Army of Northern Virginia--and briefly serving with Braxton Bragg's Army of Tennessee--the 15th Alabama was one of the Confederacy's most active regiments and fought in many of the war's key battles. Based on firsthand accounts, this volume chronicles the regiment's experiences from its organization in July 1861 through its surrender at Appomattox. Detailed firsthand accounts are given of the 15th's action at Shenandoah, Gettysburg, Chickamauga and Spotsylvania, along with intimate descriptions of camp life. Service records of each member are provided, including enlistment, hometown, battle wounds and, where applicable, cause of death.
Defining "genocide" as an international crime, this two-volume set provides a comparative study of historical cases of genocide and mass atrocity—clearly identifying the factors that produced the attitudes and behaviors that led to them—discusses the reasons for rules in war, and examines how the five principles laid out in the Geneva Conventions and other international agreements have functioned in modern warfare. Written by an expert on international politics and law, Genocide, Mass Atrocity, and War Crimes in Modern History: Blood and Conscience is an easy-to-understand resource that explains why genocides and other atrocities occur, why humanity saw the need to create rules that apply during war, and how culture, rules about war, and the nature of war intersect. The first volume addresses the history and development of the normative regime(s) that define genocide and mass atrocity. Through a comparative study of historical cases that pay particular attention to the factors involved in producing the attitudes and behaviors that led to the incidents of mass slaughter and mistreatment, the author identifies the reasons that genocides and mass atrocities in the 20th century were largely ignored until the early 1990s and why even starting then, responses were inconsistent. The second book discusses why rules in war exist, which factors may lead to the adoption of rules, what defines a war "crime," and how the five fundamental principles laid out in the Geneva Conventions and other international agreements have actually functioned in modern warfare. It also poses—and answers—the interesting question of why we should obey rules when our opponents do not. The final chapter examines what actions could serve to identify future situations in which mass atrocities may occur and identifies the problems of timely humanitarian intervention in international affairs.
In the year of 1964, I was going through a divorce with three small girls. I needed someone in my life. So I asked guidance from God. I was so in love with this man I had never seen. My sister told me about a young man where she work. He was her supervisor. So I went to work there. He was the man I was in love with. He didn’t know me. But I knew him .He was every thing I wanted in a man. God gave me what I prayed for. In 1969, James Luther Sears ask me will you I said yes before he could get it out. We have spent 38 wonderful years together. If you want a husband ask God for one.
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