A heartfelt, honest autobiography written by the author. A brief synopsis detailing the challenges the author had to overcome in his fight to defeat a serious illness. The author's drive and passion to inform the public is a testament to his determination and compassion.
The Mirage is an expression of His Excellency Dr. Jamal Sanad Al-Suwaidi's perspective that the struggle in which many Arab and Muslim countries are currently engaged against extremist groups and organizations is not limited to the realm of military and security operations; it is also an extended war of an essentially intellectual nature that requires long-term planning, which is no less important indeed, perhaps even more so than planning in military and security terms. Academic scholarship plays a vital role in protecting the security of nations and societies via rigorous analysis of challenges and threats and the subsequent presentation of appropriate solutions. The role of scholars in times of historic conflict is to be at the forefront of the defenders of human and civilizational values against extremists and radical militants. It is to this end that the author has written this book. The book examines this phenomenon from multiple research angles: intellectual, political, ideological, cultural and social, exploring political religious thought in its various manifestations, and explaining the intellectual and organizational disparities between relevant groups. The book tracks the history of this phenomenon, tracing it to its peak in the early 2010s, revealing the intellectual and ideological characteristics of these groups for interested researchers, decision makers and the public in an effort to deconstruct the various obstacles they pose to civilizational progress and development in Arab and Muslim countries. Every chapter reflects the author's conviction that political religious groups represent neither the true face of Islam nor its moderate values, and that yielding to the claims of these groups is a serious affront to religion and its essential values of moderation and tolerance. The Mirage also employs an insightful research vision in its approach to political religious groups and their various practices and manifestations. It tracks their historical evolution and studies particular examples from their inception up until the recent failure of the Muslim Brotherhood-inspired governments that took power in certain Arab and Muslim countries, identifying the causes of their failure, exposing the fallacy of an 80-year legacy of pretentious slogans that attracted such veneration among these groups and their sympathizers not least among the Muslim Brotherhood itself. Readers will recognize that various elements of current realities in Arab and Muslim countries show similarities with the backwardness of certain aspects of the European Middle Ages particularly in terms of the ideologies and practices of political religious groups in the Arab and Muslim worlds in the modern era, and specifically their intellectual and political structures, the relationship between religion and politics, the role of clergy, as well as the prevailing philosophies in Europe and the Arab and Muslim worlds. This gives rise to several questions: are the Arab and Muslim worlds today fighting a similar battle to that experienced by the Europeans around five centuries ago? Does this mean that five centuries separate European and Islamic civilizations? And if so is there any way to overcome such a schism? Are backwardness and modernity inevitably sequential, whereby one becomes a prerequisite to the other? Why is modernity viewed as the antithesis of religiosity an implicit rejection of religion and its teachings? Why do some groups in the Arab and Muslim societies think that talk about religion ends where talk about progress and development begins? Why have referential concepts disappeared and given way to destructive ideas like those espoused by political religious groups?
His Excellency Prof. Jamal Sanad Al-Suwaidi, Director General of the Emirates Center for Strategic Studies and Research, has published a new book titled Women and Development, which addresses, over four chapters, major issues relevant to Arab Islamic thought regarding women and their role in development. His Excellency believes that “women’s problems” are in fact society's problems; and these problems will not be solved without the involvement of government and private organizations and society as a whole. Improving the status of women and promoting their participation in development is the concern of the entire country. The author puts forth arguments proving the unsustainable rhetoric voiced by regressive political Islam, which sought, through selective interpretation of Islamic texts, to impose restrictions on the freedom of women and their participation in the development process. The author also provides practical responses to urgent questions regarding the status of women in Islam, such as their access to education and presence in labor markets in relation to men. In this regard, the author refers to statistics and survey data, as well as analytical readings of the circumstances involving women's rights in GCC countries. In the last chapter, the author explores the status of women in the United Arab Emirates, as they set a role model for Gulf and Arab women. This model was shaped by the late Sheikh Zayed bin Sultan Al Nahyan (may God rest his soul in peace), through his open and insightful thought, and implemented through effective policies and programs.
Prof. Jamal Sanad Al-Suwaidi examines the myriad social, economic, technological and political changes currently taking place globally, exploring the extent to which these changes will redefine humanity’s role, function and position, even the very concept of human existence itself. Change, Adapt, or Perish explores change from an analytical perspective, while also bringing together ideas on how we can coexist with it, mitigating its negative aspects in order to leverage its positive effects. While technology is the most prolific driver of change in modern societies, Change, Adapt, or Perish looks at a broader array of ways in which change is taking place. Education, IT, jobs, warfare and energy are all being transformed by the process of change, but so too is language. Prof. Jamal takes an in-depth look at the challenges facing the Arabic language and presents solutions for how it can be protected. The book also focuses on the impact that change has on some communities that are excluded from it, an important aspect of the conversation about the future of the Middle East. By providing a conceptual framework to understand change, and the nuances of its impact on education, employment, communication, and the future of security, warfare and energy, Prof. Jamal also provides an important examination of the position of the UAE and the wider Arab world in relation to change, as well as a strategy to positively respond to it. The UAE has taken a proactive approach in preparing for the Fourth Industrial Revolution, and while the implications of change are neither identical nor inevitable in all societies, Prof. Jamal reveals the inherent advantage industrialized communities will have in facing these implications. Traditional societies, such as those of the Arab world, may lack the education, skills and cultural adaptability to respond effectively to change, highlighting the importance of the proactive steps being taken by the UAE to not only confront the changes taking place, but actively leverage them to enhance the country.
The Mirage is an expression of His Excellency Dr. Jamal Sanad Al-Suwaidi’s perspective that the struggle in which many Arab and Muslim countries are currently engaged against extremist groups and organizations is not limited to the realm of military and security operations; it is also an extended war of an essentially intellectual nature that requires long-term planning, which is no less important – indeed, perhaps even more so – than planning in military and security terms. Academic scholarship plays a vital role in protecting the security of nations and societies via rigorous analysis of challenges and threats and the subsequent presentation of appropriate solutions. The role of scholars in times of historic conflict is to be at the forefront of the defenders of human and civilizational values against extremists and radical militants. It is to this end that the author has written this book. The book examines this phenomenon from multiple research angles: intellectual, political, ideological, cultural and social, exploring political religious thought in its various manifestations, and explaining the intellectual and organizational disparities between relevant groups. The book tracks the history of this phenomenon, tracing it to its peak in the early 2010s, revealing the intellectual and ideological characteristics of these groups for interested researchers, decision makers and the public in an effort to deconstruct the various obstacles they pose to civilizational progress and development in Arab and Muslim countries. Every chapter reflects the author’s conviction that political religious groups represent neither the true face of Islam nor its moderate values, and that yielding to the claims of these groups is a serious affront to religion and its essential values of moderation and tolerance. The Mirage also employs an insightful research vision in its approach to political religious groups and their various practices and manifestations. It tracks their historical evolution and studies particular examples from their inception up until the recent failure of the Muslim Brotherhood-inspired governments that took power in certain Arab and Muslim countries, identifying the causes of their failure, exposing the fallacy of an 80-year legacy of pretentious slogans that attracted such veneration among these groups and their sympathizers — not least among the Muslim Brotherhood itself. Readers will recognize that various elements of current realities in Arab and Muslim countries show similarities with the backwardness of certain aspects of the European Middle Ages — particularly in terms of the ideologies and practices of political religious groups in the Arab and Muslim worlds in the modern era, and specifically their intellectual and political structures, the relationship between religion and politics, the role of clergy, as well as the prevailing philosophies in Europe and the Arab and Muslim worlds. This gives rise to several questions: are the Arab and Muslim worlds today fighting a similar battle to that experienced by the Europeans around five centuries ago? Does this mean that five centuries separate European and Islamic civilizations? And if so is there any way to overcome such a schism? Are backwardness and modernity inevitably sequential, whereby one becomes a prerequisite to the other? Why is modernity viewed as the antithesis of religiosity—an implicit rejection of religion and its teachings? Why do some groups in the Arab and Muslim societies think that talk about religion ends where talk about progress and development begins? Why have referential concepts disappeared and given way to destructive ideas like those espoused by political religious groups?
Eternal Imprints: Figures that Made History and Others that Changed the Future of their Countries presents a bold new reading of 22 inspirational figures that changed the course of history. The enduring influence of such figures can be seen both in terms of the national development of their respective countries and with regards to the notable impact they have had upon a number of key areas, which to note but a few examples, spans across the fields of politics, economics, development, science, military affairs, etc. The stances they adopted and their individual achievements, intelligence and willpower have come to represent a timeless source of inspiration. Individuals that have had a negative impact historically are intentionally overlooked, for they do not serve the objective of the book, which aims to provide the reader with prominent, wholly positive examples that can be traced throughout history right up until the present day. The values held by the leading personalities that are examined in this volume, and the lessons that can be learnt from them, provide others with a springboard from which to build upon as well as emboldening efforts designed to confront modern-day challenges and crises. The book does not limit itself to inspirational figures that are deceased. Rather, it examines the contributions of several contemporary figures whose visions and ideas have shaped and continue to shape the national development of their respective countries and the broad-based and extensive progress that has been made therein.
This book is the second part of a comprehensive academic and research project initiated by H.E. Prof. Jamal Sanad Al-Suwaidi. In the first part of the project, Eternal Imprints: Figures That Made History and Others That Changed the Future of Their Countries, first published in 2016, he wrote about personalities who achieved great accomplishments to influence their countries and the world. The second part of the project looks at historical events that triggered major shifts, both positive and negative, and changed the history of regions and countries, or humanity itself. In Events That Changed History, the author revisits events that made history from the perspective that history will never repeat itself. However, its events may share similarities. Therefore, a retrospective narrative of the past is in fact an attempt to better understand the present, and not a tendency to ponder on and seek refuge in the past. The book examines twenty issues and events relevant to different periods of history, which fall within categories such as politics, the military, the economy and technology. Some of these events took place in the Arab region and others outside it. Not content with analyzing events of the distant past, the author also covers a wide range of events from recent times, including the establishment of the UAE Federation in December 1971, the October War of 1973, the building of Aswan High Dam in 1970 and the attacks of September 11, 2001. The book also reviews historical events in which the past, present and future interplay. These events are closely linked to the sweeping changes the contemporary world is witnessing, which have implications for the future. This book is an invitation from an intellectual who is concerned with issues relevant to both his homeland and world; an invitation to comprehensively, and not selectively, re-read both our history and that of the world from an open and enlightened perspective, in order to narrate historical events the way they happened. It is our responsibility to help the new generation understand the past and present, and not to be an accomplice in deceiving and confusing them, which is a heinous historical crime that distorts awareness and poisons the mind.
His Excellency Prof. Jamal Sanad Al-Suwaidi, Director General of the Emirates Center for Strategic Studies and Research, has published a new book titled Women and Development, which addresses, over four chapters, major issues relevant to Arab Islamic thought regarding women and their role in development. His Excellency believes that “women’s problems” are in fact society’s problems; and these problems will not be solved without the involvement of government and private organizations and society as a whole. Improving the status of women and promoting their participation in development is the concern of the entire country. The author puts forth arguments proving the unsustainable rhetoric voiced by regressive political Islam, which sought, through selective interpretation of Islamic texts, to impose restrictions on the freedom of women and their participation in the development process. The author also provides practical responses to urgent questions regarding the status of women in Islam, such as their access to education and presence in labor markets in relation to men. In this regard, the author refers to statistics and survey data, as well as analytical readings of the circumstances involving women’s rights in GCC countries. In the last chapter, the author explores the status of women in the United Arab Emirates, as they set a role model for Gulf and Arab women. This model was shaped by the late Sheikh Zayed bin Sultan Al Nahyan (may God rest his soul in peace), through his open and insightful thought, and implemented through effective policies and programs.
Prof. Jamal Sanad Al-Suwaidi examines the myriad social, economic, technological and political changes currently taking place globally, exploring the extent to which these changes will redefine humanity’s role, function and position, even the very concept of human existence itself. Change, Adapt, or Perish explores change from an analytical perspective, while also bringing together ideas on how we can coexist with it, mitigating its negative aspects in order to leverage its positive effects. While technology is the most prolific driver of change in modern societies, Change, Adapt, or Perish looks at a broader array of ways in which change is taking place. Education, IT, jobs, warfare and energy are all being transformed by the process of change, but so too is language. Prof. Jamal takes an in-depth look at the challenges facing the Arabic language and presents solutions for how it can be protected. The book also focuses on the impact that change has on some communities that are excluded from it, an important aspect of the conversation about the future of the Middle East. By providing a conceptual framework to understand change, and the nuances of its impact on education, employment, communication, and the future of security, warfare and energy, Prof. Jamal also provides an important examination of the position of the UAE and the wider Arab world in relation to change, as well as a strategy to positively respond to it. The UAE has taken a proactive approach in preparing for the Fourth Industrial Revolution, and while the implications of change are neither identical nor inevitable in all societies, Prof. Jamal reveals the inherent advantage industrialized communities will have in facing these implications. Traditional societies, such as those of the Arab world, may lack the education, skills and cultural adaptability to respond effectively to change, highlighting the importance of the proactive steps being taken by the UAE to not only confront the changes taking place, but actively leverage them to enhance the country.
This book is the second part of a comprehensive academic and research project initiated by H.E. Prof. Jamal Sanad Al-Suwaidi. In the first part of the project, Eternal Imprints: Figures That Made History and Others That Changed the Future of Their Countries, first published in 2016, he wrote about personalities who achieved great accomplishments to influence their countries and the world. The second part of the project looks at historical events that triggered major shifts, both positive and negative, and changed the history of regions and countries, or humanity itself. In Events That Changed History, the author revisits events that made history from the perspective that history will never repeat itself. However, its events may share similarities. Therefore, a retrospective narrative of the past is in fact an attempt to better understand the present, and not a tendency to ponder on and seek refuge in the past. The book examines twenty issues and events relevant to different periods of history, which fall within categories such as politics, the military, the economy and technology. Some of these events took place in the Arab region and others outside it. Not content with analyzing events of the distant past, the author also covers a wide range of events from recent times, including the establishment of the UAE Federation in December 1971, the October War of 1973, the building of Aswan High Dam in 1970 and the attacks of September 11, 2001. The book also reviews historical events in which the past, present and future interplay. These events are closely linked to the sweeping changes the contemporary world is witnessing, which have implications for the future. This book is an invitation from an intellectual who is concerned with issues relevant to both his homeland and world; an invitation to comprehensively, and not selectively, re-read both our history and that of the world from an open and enlightened perspective, in order to narrate historical events the way they happened. It is our responsibility to help the new generation understand the past and present, and not to be an accomplice in deceiving and confusing them, which is a heinous historical crime that distorts awareness and poisons the mind.
The Mirage is an expression of His Excellency Dr. Jamal Sanad Al-Suwaidi’s perspective that the struggle in which many Arab and Muslim countries are currently engaged against extremist groups and organizations is not limited to the realm of military and security operations; it is also an extended war of an essentially intellectual nature that requires long-term planning, which is no less important – indeed, perhaps even more so – than planning in military and security terms. Academic scholarship plays a vital role in protecting the security of nations and societies via rigorous analysis of challenges and threats and the subsequent presentation of appropriate solutions. The role of scholars in times of historic conflict is to be at the forefront of the defenders of human and civilizational values against extremists and radical militants. It is to this end that the author has written this book. The book examines this phenomenon from multiple research angles: intellectual, political, ideological, cultural and social, exploring political religious thought in its various manifestations, and explaining the intellectual and organizational disparities between relevant groups. The book tracks the history of this phenomenon, tracing it to its peak in the early 2010s, revealing the intellectual and ideological characteristics of these groups for interested researchers, decision makers and the public in an effort to deconstruct the various obstacles they pose to civilizational progress and development in Arab and Muslim countries. Every chapter reflects the author’s conviction that political religious groups represent neither the true face of Islam nor its moderate values, and that yielding to the claims of these groups is a serious affront to religion and its essential values of moderation and tolerance. The Mirage also employs an insightful research vision in its approach to political religious groups and their various practices and manifestations. It tracks their historical evolution and studies particular examples from their inception up until the recent failure of the Muslim Brotherhood-inspired governments that took power in certain Arab and Muslim countries, identifying the causes of their failure, exposing the fallacy of an 80-year legacy of pretentious slogans that attracted such veneration among these groups and their sympathizers — not least among the Muslim Brotherhood itself. Readers will recognize that various elements of current realities in Arab and Muslim countries show similarities with the backwardness of certain aspects of the European Middle Ages — particularly in terms of the ideologies and practices of political religious groups in the Arab and Muslim worlds in the modern era, and specifically their intellectual and political structures, the relationship between religion and politics, the role of clergy, as well as the prevailing philosophies in Europe and the Arab and Muslim worlds. This gives rise to several questions: are the Arab and Muslim worlds today fighting a similar battle to that experienced by the Europeans around five centuries ago? Does this mean that five centuries separate European and Islamic civilizations? And if so is there any way to overcome such a schism? Are backwardness and modernity inevitably sequential, whereby one becomes a prerequisite to the other? Why is modernity viewed as the antithesis of religiosity—an implicit rejection of religion and its teachings? Why do some groups in the Arab and Muslim societies think that talk about religion ends where talk about progress and development begins? Why have referential concepts disappeared and given way to destructive ideas like those espoused by political religious groups?
In light of the radical transformations and changes that the world witnesses on all levels, research in the field of social issues is gaining increased prominence, particularly amid different sources of danger that threaten social security in countries, primarily due changes in the nature of warfare and conflicts, the spread of extremism and terrorism, and the emergence of religious, sectarian, doctrinal, and racial tensions. Moreover, the unprecedented technological transformations in light of the fourth industrial revolution (4IR) with its social effects can compromise the stability and security of societies. Therefore, in this book I focus on studying UAE society in an ever-changing world from a comprehensive perspective that encompasses political, security, economic, social, cultural, and technological aspects. From an early stage in my academic career, I have given special attention – in my books, research papers, and studies – to issues of national security, at the forefront of which is social security. This stems from my belief that social security is one of the most important and critical aspects of national security in its comprehensive sense. Furthermore, social security is also closely associated with all other political, economic, cultural, and stability aspects of national security. This book includes seven chapters along with an introduction and a conclusion. Chapter One deals with the experience of the Union of the UAE and how it has affected UAE society. Chapter Two deals with UAE society in a changing regional and international environment. Chapter Three examines the UAE’s economic vision to prepare for the post-oil era, which is based primarily on knowledge and innovation. Chapter Four addresses education and its importance in building national human capacities and resources. Chapter Five discusses national identity, its significance, and sources of threat. Chapter Six examines balanced political development and the guarantee it gives to enable political stability in the UAE. The last chapter, Chapter Seven, discusses UAE society and global technological changes in terms of challenges and opportunities. The book ends with a conclusion in which I call for more attention to studies pertaining to UAE society in the coming years because the current changes in the local, regional, and global environments have several implications for this society. Therefore, it is important to study these implications and anticipate their future trajectories.
During times of crises there has been a historical tendency for peripheral ideologies and groups, such as the Muslim Brotherhood, to gain a foothold. The so-called Arab Spring was one such moment, where the Brotherhood was able to manipulate concerns and deeply held beliefs in order to assume power. Yet the ideology purported by the group is a fundamental misrepresentation of Islam, in an attempt to exploit religion to serve its narrow goals and interests. In this context, pure Islam, based on worship, respect and the higher principles of religion, must be differentiated from the ideology promoted by groups like the Muslim Brotherhood. Over the decades, in countries across the region, the Brotherhood and its branches have managed to infiltrate major elements of state and society, to varying degrees. In doing so, it has relied on manipulation, intimidation and violence, while its political positions regularly shift in order to facilitate attempts to assume power. The UAE was also impacted by the Muslim Brotherhood’s project, which in this country, is thought to date back to 1962 when its members first arrived in the Emirates and began to build a base in Dubai. Before long, the UAE branch of the organization, known as Al-Islah, established deep roots across UAE society, wielding control of the education system in particular, and posing a threat to the very stability of the nation. However, the UAE is a powerful example of decisive state action to eradicate the threat of political Islam, ultimately ensuring a safe, stable and prosperous environment where its people could thrive. This important book charts the development of the Brotherhood, from its beginnings in Egypt in the 1920s, to its attempts to consolidate power across the region following the so-called Arab Spring. It highlights the group’s tactics, ambiguous ideology and attempts to distort religion to gain power and influence. The insights offered, based on robust research into the group, its ideology and activities, aim to expose the duplicitous agenda of groups like the Brotherhood, and ensure they are unable to once again exploit vulnerabilities and re-emerge.
The connection between regional instability and the preservation of global security is nowhere more sensitive than in the Gulf. Events since the 1990-1991 Gulf War continue to confirm the fragile interaction among states in the region and their susceptibility to external forces. Gulf Security in the Twenty-First Century brings together some of the foremost area experts to explore the most pressing issues, including military threats to the region, obstacles to economic development and socioeconomic harmonization, and challenges to political stability. In particular, the work examines Iran’s often enigmatic foreign policy vis-à-vis its Gulf neighbors, Iraq’s resurgent military threat, choices and constraints confronting US Middle East policy, and Europe’s inability to identify and pursue a united policy to safeguard its economic interests in the area. These topics are further illuminated with an analysis of Russia’s historical attempt at balancing foreign policy objectives in the Gulf with its enduring interests in Central Asia. The potentially explosive issues of religious radicalism and the challenges of democratic pluralism are discussed in an effort to ascertain the potential of political Islam to disturb or enhance regional security. Similarly, the problems inhibiting the settlement of territorial disputes in and around the Gulf are brought into focus to illustrate lingering historical tensions among neighboring states. To round out the book’s topical coverage, several contributors shed light on the region’s unfettered dependence on foreign labor, growing demographic pressures, associated social and economic transformations, and challenges to responsive public policy.
Eternal Imprints: Figures that Made History and Others that Changed the Future of their Countries presents a bold new reading of 22 inspirational figures that changed the course of history. The enduring influence of such figures can be seen both in terms of the national development of their respective countries and with regards to the notable impact they have had upon a number of key areas, which to note but a few examples, spans across the fields of politics, economics, development, science, military affairs, etc. The stances they adopted and their individual achievements, intelligence and willpower have come to represent a timeless source of inspiration. Individuals that have had a negative impact historically are intentionally overlooked, for they do not serve the objective of the book, which aims to provide the reader with prominent, wholly positive examples that can be traced throughout history right up until the present day. The values held by the leading personalities that are examined in this volume, and the lessons that can be learnt from them, provide others with a springboard from which to build upon as well as emboldening efforts designed to confront modern-day challenges and crises. The book does not limit itself to inspirational figures that are deceased. Rather, it examines the contributions of several contemporary figures whose visions and ideas have shaped and continue to shape the national development of their respective countries and the broad-based and extensive progress that has been made therein.
This volume presents the research and analyses of internationally recognized scholars concerning the internal and external dynamics which affect and often determine the policies of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Following an introduction designed to provide an analytical and contextual backdrop, the volume begins with a detailed look at the Iranian polity, its evolution before and after the revolution, and the role of ideology. The next section addresses Iranian foreign policy with respect to the Arab Gulf states, as a function of domestic dynamics, and as a response to regional and international events and constraints. The third section discusses Iran’s military capabilities and includes reasoned judgments concerning the Islamic Republic’s intentions and aspirations in the military realm. The book concludes with a discussion of the evolving relationship between the GCC states and Iran with particular focus on the security dynamics that attend that relationship for the foreseeable future. This timely and comprehensive work acknowledges Iran’s important and immutable role in Gulf affairs, and particularly in Gulf security affairs. It also acknowledges the important evolution in Iranian foreign policy which has occurred since the revolution of 1979 and, particularly, since the death of the Iranian revolutionary leader Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini.
In a supplemental analysis to The Mirage, the comprehensive scholarly review of political religious groups in the Arab world, this paper sheds light upon the illusory tactics of political religious groups following the so-called “Arab Spring” in 2011. With particular emphasis on the Muslim Brotherhood, the methodologies of these political groups are laid bare and their true intentions exposed.
The papers in this volume are based on presentations originally delivered at a workshop entitled “Air/Missile Defense, Counterproliferation and Security Policy Planning: Implications for Collaboration Between the United Arab Emirates, the United States, and the Gulf Co-operation Council (GCC) Countries.” Each of the papers was substantially revised and updated in the fall of 1998 to reflect the most current developments. The volume as a whole provides a realistic and comprehensive assessment of current and evolving air and missile threats confronting GCC countries, highlighting the impact of missile and weapons of mass destruction (WMD) proliferation trends on the balance of power in the Arabian Gulf region. It also reviews current U.S. concepts of operation for air/missile defense coordination and proposes policies for future UAE and GCC security planning. The authors give compelling reasons for: shared early warning and integrated air defense systems; the need for political commitment from both the United States and all the GCC governments to set in place improved defenses; the need as well for improved understanding and communication as an essential precondition for increased cooperation in the air/missile defense realm; and the long-term advantages of pursuing such cooperation both on a US-GCC basis and among the GCC member states themselves. The range of benefits associated with a regional approach to air and missile defense is explored, together with the question of how expanded air/missile defense cooperation in the region fits into a broader geopolitical framework.
Throughout history, religious groups, such as the Muslim Brotherhood, have risen in popularity during times of crises in countries all over the world – much like conservative political parties. In this context, pure Islam, based on worship, respect, principles of religion and countering idolatry, must be differentiated from the religion promoted by groups like the Muslim Brotherhood. The group attempts to exploit religion to serve its own interests and to seize power. The Brotherhood’s goals may be fixed, but their interests are subject to change. The issue for religious groups like the Muslim Brotherhood is their belief that any criticism of them is also a criticism of religion, despite the fact their ideas are merely human interpretations, which can be true or false. As a result, the exploitation of religion has become one of the defining characteristics of our modern era. There are many narratives surrounding the inception of the Muslim Brotherhood in the UAE, however the correct account dates back to 1962, when Abdul Badie Saqr, a Qatari citizen of Egyptian origin, came to the UAE. The Qatari Brotherhood had also established a presence in Dubai in 1961, playing a major role in the establishment of the UAE’s Muslim Brotherhood group. When Abdul Badie Saqr arrived in the UAE, he was accompanied by Yusuf Al-Qaradawi, Abdul Mueizz Al-Sattar, Ahmad Al-Assal and Kamal Naji. The Muslim Brotherhood in the UAE followed in the footsteps of its parent group in Egypt, and its branch in Kuwait. While the Kuwaiti model was followed in the Arab Gulf region, the Egyptian model was the superior example, in both political and religious contexts.
In a supplemental analysis to The Mirage, the comprehensive scholarly review of political religious groups in the Arab world, this paper sheds light upon the illusory tactics of political religious groups following the so-called “Arab Spring” in 2011. With particular emphasis on the Muslim Brotherhood, the methodologies of these political groups are laid bare and their true intentions exposed.
The Arab military intervention in Yemen restored trust in the Arab national security system with its Gulf leadership and also revealed the level of Arab world awareness in terms of addressing regional and international shifts independently. Therefore, the effect of this step – regaining lost balance and taking the initiative after years of passivity and defensiveness – goes beyond Yemen to affect the entire region. The lecture concluded that the Saudi-led Arab military intervention to restore legitimacy in Yemen is indeed a historic opportunity—an opportunity that must be harnessed in a way that builds an Arab military force capable of defending Arab security in the face of imminent threats. This is especially important considering the increasing conflicts and competition between several regional and international powers in the Arab world as well as the shifts in Middle East foreign policies of certain major powers, such as the United States of America. These changes highlight the fact that the region needs to rely on itself to defend its interests. The Iran nuclear deal – signed by Iran and major powers in July 2015 – has created a new reality in the region. This is especially the case with regard to Tehran’s relations with international powers, particularly the United States of America. Iran’s position within the policies toward the region and its interests is something that the Arabs must deal with from a position of both strength and initiative.
The Arab military intervention in Yemen restored trust in the Arab national security system with its Gulf leadership and also revealed the level of Arab world awareness in terms of addressing regional and international shifts independently. Therefore, the effect of this step – regaining lost balance and taking the initiative after years of passivity and defensiveness – goes beyond Yemen to affect the entire region. The lecture concluded that the Saudi-led Arab military intervention to restore legitimacy in Yemen is indeed a historic opportunity—an opportunity that must be harnessed in a way that builds an Arab military force capable of defending Arab security in the face of imminent threats. This is especially important considering the increasing conflicts and competition between several regional and international powers in the Arab world as well as the shifts in Middle East foreign policies of certain major powers, such as the United States of America. These changes highlight the fact that the region needs to rely on itself to defend its interests. The Iran nuclear deal – signed by Iran and major powers in July 2015 – has created a new reality in the region. This is especially the case with regard to Tehran’s relations with international powers, particularly the United States of America. Iran’s position within the policies toward the region and its interests is something that the Arabs must deal with from a position of both strength and initiative.
On May 22, 1990, a long-standing Yemeni national dream became reality when North and South Yemen were united in the Republic of Yemen. The process of political integration was violently disrupted four years later, however, when civil war broke out. This book is an examination of the 1994 civil war by five international area experts. The events leading to the conflict are viewed from both northern and southern perspectives. The South’s fear of Islamic fundamentalism emanating from the north is contrasted with northern concerns of a southern push to advance social progress at the expense of traditionalism. A major chapter focuses on the tribes and tribal organizations in the contemporary political development of Yemen. Tribalism as a system – and whether it played a role in the 1994 civil war – is also discussed in detail. The regional implications of the civil war are also examined. In assessing the consequences for the Arabian peninsula, particular attention is paid to Yemen’s capacity to influence events in the region, its relationship with Saudi Arabia and other Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) states, and the functioning of a balance-of-power system in the area.
The recent proliferation of social networks has led to a societal shift – from a tribal mentality to that of Facebook – and has served to connect people from around the world with common cultural, religious, political and economic characteristics in an unprecedented manner and with astonishing speed. When such vast numbers of individuals congregate via social networks, societies that were once imaginary become real — the virtual worlds they inhabit expand and instill in their ‘citizens’ a shared desire to establish and enforce their common interests. This study charts the impact of this phenomenon in order to explore and analyze the potential outcomes of the accelerated development of social networks. Their economic potential in general is discussed, as are their implications for the future of traditional media forms, both as sources of news and key platforms for shaping public opinion. It also explores the use of social networks by terrorists and organized criminal gangs – a trend which has not only led to the development of new forms of criminal activity, but also to the ‘globalization’ of crime – and examines the potential for new forms of ‘virtual’ conflict to arise, with the Internet as the battlefield, social networks as the weapons, and states and citizens as the combatants. In the area of domestic security, the study proposes that defense and intelligence agencies will depend on social networks to wage, and defend against various forms of information warfare, as well as to monitor the movements and communications of individuals under surveillance. A major focus of the study is the growing ability of protestors and advocates of political change in countries with repressive regimes to create significant ‘virtual’ political pressure through social networks, obtaining and disseminating information without censorship in a new ‘information democracy.’ It is this role of social networks in the political and social make-up of nations that defines the importance of this study; particularly in view of the fact that social networks have recently become a vital variable in socio-economic mobility across the globe, and in the Arab world in particular.
The effects of online social networking have been transformed at a global level – and nowhere more so than in the Arab world. Influencing politics, economics, society, security and the media, these online networks have become a means for people to voice their opinion, meet others with similar views and often organize themselves into coherent groups (whether activist or not). Jamal Al-Suwaidi argues that social networks have led to a societal shift from a tribal mentality to that of a Facebook group mentality. Within the architecture of social networks, each group of users had its own common orientation and outlook – effectively forming an allegiance of its own. These 'virtual' allegiances combine with 'real' ones in order to characterize the new social structures of the twenty-first century. From Tribe to Facebook charts the impact of this trend in order to explore and analyze the potential outcomes of the accelerated development of social networks.
In the light of the radical transformations and changes that the world has witnessed on all levels, research in the field of social issues is gaining increased prominence, praticularly amid different sources of danger that threaten social security in countries, due to changes in the nature of warfare and conflicts, the spread of extremism and terrorism, and the emergence of religious, sectarian, doctrinal, and racial tensions. Moreover, the unprecedented technological transformations in light of the fourth industrial revolution (4IR) with its social effects can compromise the stability and security of societies. Thefore, in this book I focus on studying UAE society in an ever-changing world from a comprehensive perspective that encompasses political, security, economic, social, cultural, and technological aspects. From an early stage in my academic career, I have given special attention - in my books, research papers, and studies - to issues of national security, at the forefront of which is social security. This stems from my belief that social security is one of the most important and critical aspects of national security in its comprehensive sense. Futhermore, social security is also closely associated with all other political, economic, cultural, and stability aspects of national security"--
The introduction, “Power Structure in the New World Order (Argument of the Book),” highlights the main theme around which the study revolves, namely the “new world order.” It presents the hypothesis of the study regarding this new order, along with several questions including: what are the factors that indicate the coming of a new world order?; what are the most influential forces in that order?; how is that order structured?; and what are the most important and influential factors in the world order? The introduction also presents the main premise of the book — that the United States of America may be considered the dominant pole in the new world order, and that the world will continue to exist in an American age that is expected to extend for at least a further five decades. The qualitative supremacy of the United States of America has proven inescapable according to the data, statistics and information presented in this book, as well as the scales and variables of comparison adopted by the author in terms of economics, military advancement, energy resources, transportation, education, culture, and technological progress. According to these standards, the structure of the new world order may be described as a hierarchy, with the United States of America alone at the top, followed by a second tier comprising Russia, China and the European Union, a third tier consisting of Japan, India and Brazil, followed by the rest of world. The introduction to this book may be considered a basic foundation for the analysis presented in the following seven chapters, which examine the emergence, current status, and future of the new world order in its various dimensions. Under the heading, “The New World Order: Features and Concepts,” the first chapter of Al-Suwaidi’s new book presents a theoretical paradigm for the concept of the new world order in its various dimensions. It presents two main themes: the first deals with concepts relating to the world order, drawing on literature that examines the evolution of the world order from the Peace of Westphalia in 1648 to the present day. It also presents various different views and arguments concerning the nature of the world order, and the distribution of power within it. The first theme also explores the political, military, economic, cultural, educational, technological and energy-related dimensions of the world order, and their importance in determining the relative powers of actors in the new world order. Moreover it explains how the United States of America has succeeded in utilizing all these tools to achieve its ends, and how it leads this world order according to a universal strategic vision aimed at maintaining US supremacy vis-à-vis other major powers. The first theme also presents an objective assessment of the different frameworks which are employed in analyzing the concept of the new world order. The second theme of this chapter discusses the main features of the new world order, which play a significant role in the interactions that occur within it, and which define it with regard to previous historical eras of the global system. Chapter II, “Factors Influencing the Structure of the New World Order,” examines the factors and patterns of influence and interaction within the world order. These factors include: relations among civilizations, relative power in international relations, economic factors, military superiority, technological development, levels of knowledge, challenges and variables, and the behavior of major powers. Chapter III, “The World Order: Decisive Historic Junctures,” aims to draw a comprehensive analytical map to help in understanding the historical transformations of the world order and, ultimately, the nature of contemporary global realities. The historical review presented in this chapter features an element that may make it unique; it tackles the historical evolution of the world order from the emergence of the Ottoman state in the East through the ages of the Spanish, Portuguese and other empires of the West. It is an effort to present a balanced, scholarly chronicle of the world order, without neglecting the influence of the East on international relations throughout history. Chapter IV, “The Economy, Trade and Energy in the New World Order,” focuses on the role of economic factors in deciding the structure of the new world order and the hierarchy of powers within it. It reveals that despite the spectacular rise of the Chinese economy during the past two decades, it is still about half that of the United States, and China still falls within the ranks of developing countries in terms of its average GDP per capita. While the US economy is characterized by flexibility and high reliance on innovation and internal forces for growth, China depends on foreign investment and employing low-cost labor in export-oriented industries. This could make China more vulnerable to adverse economic shocks in the future. The author also expects that developments in the energy sector will greatly affect the ranking of powers in the new world order. The United States of America will increasingly become self-dependent in terms of energy, utilizing its various innovations in the field of shale gas and oil extraction, and its gradual shift toward unconventional energy sources from the western hemisphere (the Americas), giving it a strong comparative advantage in the future. Chapter V, “Public Opinion Regarding the New World Order: A Sample Survey of UAE Citizens,” resents the findings of a public opinion survey in the UAE concerning the new world order. The survey focuses on nationality, age, gender and educational level as explanatory variables of differences in public opinion toward the new world order. In Chapter VI, “Prospective Structural Changes and their Consequences for the New World Order,” the author discusses the potential structural, strategic changes in the new world order in the coming five decades; stressing that unipolarity will have a variety of impacts on the world. The author anticipates that US influence in international financial institutions will increase, and that over the next decade Washington will reduce its dependence on oil from regions plagued by risk and instability – such as the Middle East – and that this will affect US policy in such regions. In Chapter VII, “The New World Order: Future Outlook,” the author confirms that the new world order will be characterized by a number of features that will be important determinants of the ranking of world powers in the future, including the growing importance of technologically advanced and nonconventional systems of production and communication to replace decaying conventional systems, and an increasing reliance on genetic engineering, cloning and nanotechnology in finding solutions to key issues such as achieving food and water security, narrowing down the energy resource gap, achieving breakthroughs in medicine and further developing human capabilities. Other features also include increasing pressure on the capitalist system to develop in order to sustain itself. In the Conclusion to the book, the author suggests that the Arab region is a central arena in the world and the focus of a variety of conflicts that are of direct relevance to the “prospects for the American age.” The author cites the Syrian crisis and the recent events in some Arab countries that have toppled long-standing political regimes dating back to periods prior to the development of the new world order, such as in Egypt, Libya, Yemen and Tunisia. The author believes that, in light of the obstacles to development faced by many Arab states, it is difficult to say that the near future will herald improvements in these countries’ circumstances, particularly in light of the worsening internal crises in major Arab countries like Egypt, Syria and Iraq, and the strategic expansion of regional non-Arab powers to fill the void left by the declining regional role of conventional Arab powers. This comes alongside increasing influence for Israel, which is now in the most advantageous strategic position since its creation due to the absence of any significant resistance from Arab countries, which are preoccupied with internal crises or threats emanating from neighboring states. The conclusion also claims that economics will not simply be a factor in the calculation of states’ roles and positions in the new world order, but rather the central engine of change for small and mid-sized powers in the new world order.
Throughout history, religious groups, such as the Muslim Brotherhood, have risen in popularity during times of crises in countries all over the world – much like conservative political parties. In this context, pure Islam, based on worship, respect, principles of religion and countering idolatry, must be differentiated from the religion promoted by groups like the Muslim Brotherhood. The group attempts to exploit religion to serve its own interests and to seize power. The Brotherhood’s goals may be fixed, but their interests are subject to change. The issue for religious groups like the Muslim Brotherhood is their belief that any criticism of them is also a criticism of religion, despite the fact their ideas are merely human interpretations, which can be true or false. As a result, the exploitation of religion has become one of the defining characteristics of our modern era. There are many narratives surrounding the inception of the Muslim Brotherhood in the UAE, however the correct account dates back to 1962, when Abdul Badie Saqr, a Qatari citizen of Egyptian origin, came to the UAE. The Qatari Brotherhood had also established a presence in Dubai in 1961, playing a major role in the establishment of the UAE’s Muslim Brotherhood group. When Abdul Badie Saqr arrived in the UAE, he was accompanied by Yusuf Al-Qaradawi, Abdul Mueizz Al-Sattar, Ahmad Al-Assal and Kamal Naji. The Muslim Brotherhood in the UAE followed in the footsteps of its parent group in Egypt, and its branch in Kuwait. While the Kuwaiti model was followed in the Arab Gulf region, the Egyptian model was the superior example, in both political and religious contexts.
The book examines this phenomenon from multiple research angles: intellectual, political, ideological, cultural and social, exploring political religious thought in its various manifestations, and explaining the intellectual and organizational disparities between relevant groups. The book tracks the history of this phenomenon, tracing it to its peak in the early 2010s, revealing the intellectual and ideological characteristics of these groups for interested researchers, decision makers and the public in an effort to deconstruct the various obstacles they pose to civilizational progress and development in Arab and Muslim countries. Every chapter reflects the author’s conviction that political religious groups represent neither the true face of Islam nor its moderate values, and that yielding to the claims of these groups is a serious affront to religion and its essential values of moderation and tolerance. The Mirage also employs an insightful research vision in its approach to political religious groups and their various practices and manifestations. It tracks their historical evolution and studies particular examples from their inception up until the recent failure of the Muslim Brotherhood-inspired governments that took power in certain Arab and Muslim countries, identifying the causes of their failure, exposing the fallacy of an 80-year legacy of pretentious slogans that attracted such veneration among these groups and their sympathizers — not least among the Muslim Brotherhood itself. Readers will recognize that various elements of current realities in Arab and Muslim countries show similarities with the backwardness of certain aspects of the European Middle Ages — particularly in terms of the ideologies and practices of political religious groups in the Arab and Muslim worlds in the modern era, and specifically their intellectual and political structures, the relationship between religion and politics, the role of clergy, as well as the prevailing philosophies in Europe and the Arab and Muslim worlds. This gives rise to several questions: are the Arab and Muslim worlds today fighting a similar battle to that experienced by the Europeans around five centuries ago? Does this mean that five centuries separate European and Islamic civilizations? And if so is there any way to overcome such a schism? Are backwardness and modernity inevitably sequential, whereby one becomes a prerequisite to the other? Why is modernity viewed as the antithesis of religiosity—an implicit rejection of religion and its teachings? Why do some groups in the Arab and Muslim societies think that talk about religion ends where talk about progress and development begins? Why have referential concepts disappeared and given way to destructive ideas like those espoused by political religious groups?
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