The present book analyzes the relationship between internal migration, urbanization and democratization in Spain during the period of General Francisco Franco's dictatorship (1939-1975) and Spain's transition to democracy (1975-1982). Specifically, the book explores the production and management of urban space as one form of political and social repression under the dictatorship, and the threat posed to the official urban planning regimes by the phenomenon of mass squatting (chabolismo). The growing body of recent literature that analyzes the role of neighborhood associations within Spain's transition to democracy, points to the importance and radicalism of associations that formed within squatters' settlements such as Orcasitas in Madrid, Otxarkoaga in Bilbao or Somorrostro and el Camp de la Bota in Barcelona. However, relatively little is known about the formation of community life in these neighborhoods during the 1950s, and about the ways in which the struggle to control and fashion urban space prior to Spain's transition to democracy generated specific notions of democratic citizenship amongst populations lacking in prior coherent ideological commitment.
Explores the role played by the Female Section of the Spanish Fascist Party (Seccion Femenina de la Falange - SF) in promoting women's political and professional rights within the authoritarian Franco regime in Spain. This book demonstrates how the SF's national leadership promoted an autonomous social and political agenda.
This book explores the role of popular forms of social mobilization during Spain's process of transition to democracy. It focuses on the nature of citizenship that was forged during the period of conflict and mobilisation that characterised Spain from the late 1950s until the late 1980s. It offers a two-pronged exploration of social movements at the time. On the one hand, it provides a detailed analysis of four very different cases of social mobilisation: among Catholics, residents, farmers and teachers. It discerns processes of organisation, repertoires of action, collective meaning, and interactions with communities and local political actors. On the other hand, it reflects on how the fight over specific issues and the use of similar tactics generated shared interpretations of what it meant to be a citizen in a democracy.
For those who lived through it -- whether on the bloody battlefields of Spain, in its hungry and war-stricken cities, or through the lens of newsreels and solidarity campaigns -- the Spanish Civil War was a life changing event. In a century rife with "total" wars, the events that took place in Spain between the years 1936-1939 still echo loudly. In its struggle for survival, the Second Republic succeeded in rallying to its support almost 40,000 volunteers from 53 different countries. But as the vast literature on the International Brigades testifies, for the majority of volunteers the definitions of "friend" and "foe" or of "right" and "wrong" in the Spanish context were inter-changeable with those constructed "back home". For those who had already lost the struggle against Fascism in their native countries, as well as for those who were about to face it, Spain was a crucial juncture. This book examines the reactions of Jewish society in Palestine to the civil war, as well as the story of the volunteers who left Palestine in order to fight for the Republic. Despite much ideological sympathy, active support for the Spanish Republic was neither unequivocal nor unconditional. Rather, solidarity with Spain was manifested and perceived first and foremost through the prism of local political reality. After presenting the historical context of society and politics the volume analyses the reactions of the Hebrew press and of the different political parties and civil associations to the Iberian War; examines the role played by Jewish volunteers in the International Brigades in general, and of those arriving from Palestine in particular; discusses the volunteers' "Spanish experience" as reflected in personal interviews and memoirs; and lastly addresses issues of history and memory, both personal and collective, particularly the appropriation of the memory of the Jewish volunteers.
Explores the role played by the Female Section of the Spanish Fascist Party (Seccion Femenina de la Falange - SF) in promoting women's political and professional rights within the authoritarian Franco regime in Spain. This book demonstrates how the SF's national leadership promoted an autonomous social and political agenda.
This book explores the role of popular forms of social mobilization during Spain's process of transition to democracy. It focuses on the nature of citizenship that was forged during the period of conflict and mobilisation that characterised Spain from the late 1950s until the late 1980s. It offers a two-pronged exploration of social movements at the time. On the one hand, it provides a detailed analysis of four very different cases of social mobilisation: among Catholics, residents, farmers and teachers. It discerns processes of organisation, repertoires of action, collective meaning, and interactions with communities and local political actors. On the other hand, it reflects on how the fight over specific issues and the use of similar tactics generated shared interpretations of what it meant to be a citizen in a democracy.
The present book analyzes the relationship between internal migration, urbanization and democratization in Spain during the period of General Francisco Franco's dictatorship (1939-1975) and Spain's transition to democracy (1975-1982). Specifically, the book explores the production and management of urban space as one form of political and social repression under the dictatorship, and the threat posed to the official urban planning regimes by the phenomenon of mass squatting (chabolismo). The growing body of recent literature that analyzes the role of neighborhood associations within Spain's transition to democracy, points to the importance and radicalism of associations that formed within squatters' settlements such as Orcasitas in Madrid, Otxarkoaga in Bilbao or Somorrostro and el Camp de la Bota in Barcelona. However, relatively little is known about the formation of community life in these neighborhoods during the 1950s, and about the ways in which the struggle to control and fashion urban space prior to Spain's transition to democracy generated specific notions of democratic citizenship amongst populations lacking in prior coherent ideological commitment.
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