Distinctively pairing video footage and role-play scenarios, How to Pass the CSA Exam presents a broad range of consultations in the most common clinical areas a trainee or GP ST3 is likely to encounter, to reinforce core knowledge and skills. Cases cover the entire CSA case selection blueprint, with a range of acute, chronic, undifferentiated, psychosocial and preventative cases in the different disease areas. The two DVDs feature over 3 hours of consultations drawn from real life experience, with step-by-step explanations and points highlighted for examination, and include filmed panel discussion and feedback. The accompanying guidebook mirrors the video content, with explanatory text, advice on how the exam works and how role players are briefed, 'CSA Plus' resources on broader issues encountered in everyday general practice, and links to relevant guidelines, e-learning modules, and further resources. Developed by GP trainers, educators and programme directors based on their vast understanding of the consultation and exam process and proven experience, How to Pass the CSA Exam is a thorough and systematic companion to preparing for these examinations to help you optimise your skills and prepare for early practice life. Includes consultations in: • Diabetes • Depression • Back pain • Dementia • Breaking bad news DVDs feature: • 12 consultations (with trainee reflection and trainer feedback) (Duration approx. 180 minutes) • Top tips from round-table discussions with trainees who recently passed the CSA exam (Duration approx. 30 minutes) The authors of How to Pass the CSA Exam also provide a high quality, up-to-date and comprehensive course specifically designed for excelling in the MRCGP exam, featuring mock AKT paper and CSA exam with actors as role-players. For full details, visit www.londonmrcgp.co.uk
This unique book sheds light on the press coverage of Karachi's ethnic affairs through a detailed textual analysis of newspapers. The author examines the coverage of communal issues in both English and Urdu newspapers, highlighting the improvements in English newspapers' coverage and the tendencies of Urdu dailies to report on state nationalism-driven news items during ethnic hostilities. With a regional focus on Karachi, this book is an essential read for historians, researchers, and journalists interested in understanding the ethnic dynamics of Pakistan and the role of the press in covering multi-ethnic societies. The book is a valuable contribution to the study of Pakistan's ethnic affairs, providing insight into the ideas, movements, and theories that have shaped Karachi's ethnic landscape.
The face of Terror has changed dramatically. Today major terrorist attacks are marked by their meticulous preparation and deadly execution—as the Mumbai attacks of 26/11 have clearly established. The most important planning centre for these operations is the tribal region located on the border between Pakistan and Afghanistan. Following the U.S. action in Afghanistan in December 2001 many Al Qaeda and Taliban fighters escaped and settled down in these regions where, historically, the writ of the state has always been weak. Taking advantage of the inhospitable terrain and the porous border, Al Qaeda militants of multiple ethnic origins regrouped. In 2008 alone they launched over fifty suicide missions which have inflicted more than six thousand casualties in attacks across the world. In these remote valleys the fatal mix of ultra-conservatism, economic under-development, religious obscurantism and the absence of law and justice has resulted in a cauldron of militancy which is being fed and fuelled by the shadowy presence of the Al Qaeda and the Taliban. Ever-younger fighters are being recruited for suicide missions while music, shaving and the education of girls are proscribed by increasingly powerful clerics. In this book Imtiaz Gul follows the trail of militancy and the way it has evolved under Al Qaeda’s influence in tribal areas.
The story of the dark side of the Afghan war - and how Pakistan degenerated into a nuclear-armed powder keg Eight years ago we chased the Taliban from Kabul and forced Al Qaeda to find a new home. One by one the militants crossed the border into Pakistan and settled in its tribal areas, building alliances with locals and terrorizing or bribing their way to power. This place - Pakistan's lawless frontier - is now the epicenter of global terrorism. It is where young American and British jihadists go to be trained, where the kidnapped are stowed away, and where plots are hatched for deadly attacks all over the world. It has become, in President Obama's words, "the most dangerous place" - a hornet's nest of violent extremists, many of whom now target their own state in vicious suicide- bombing campaigns. Imtiaz Gul, who knows the ins and outs of these groups and their leaders, tackles the toughest questions about the current situation: What can be done to bring the Pakistani Taliban under control? Who funds these militants and what are their links to Al Qaeda? Are they still supported by the ISI, Pakistan's all-powerful intelligence agency? Based on dozens of exclusive interviews with high-ranking Pakistani intelligence, government and military officers and extensive first-hand reporting, The Most Dangerous Place is a gripping and definitive exposé of a region that Americans need urgently to understand.
Much has been written about democratizing Afghanistan and Iraq, yet a clear-cut, theoretically-enriching, and empirically thick comparative analysis remains overdue for societies as divided as these two. To partly fill in the vacuum, this book utilizes various theories and stages of international negotiations(which catalyzed democratization in both cases) in interpreting both cases, while also distinguishing between endogenous and exogenous democratization forces. How electoral democracy came about in both cases is traced from the negotiating table through at least 4 stages and 6 chapters. The study finds democratization being more stable when left on its own momentum (as in Afghanistan) than when conflict-driven (as in Iraq). Though full-fledged democracy does not appear inevitable in either case, the study's insightful exploration of its interface in Islamic communities and as a Bush Doctrine component alerts us to fasten our seat belts before elections beckon again.
Right to water may sound novel and somewhat dramatic, yet it has been central to the quest of human civilization for thousands of years. One of the earliest references to water as ‘common property’ can be found in the Jewish laws as early as 3000 BCE.Similar views are also found in Islam. In fact, the Arabic word for Islamic law - shari’ah - originally meant “the place from which one descends to water.”Since water is a gift from the divine to all living beings, sharing water is regarded as holy duty. This is found across religions, regions, societies, and communities, from New Zealand to Nigeria, from Bangladesh to Brazil. But then, what transformed the divine sanction? What led to the negation of the ‘commons,’ with sharing of the riverine water across territorial boundaries suffering the most?The answer probably lies as much as in the politics of safeguarding one’s personal or national interests as it is in the limitations imposed by our disciplinary understanding of things.In this context, a thorough reexamination, even reconceptualization,of some of the core issuesis required.Firstly, the concept of water needs to be understood not as H2O, as it is done in physical sciences,but as H2OP4. That is, the meaning of water in social sciences must include not only ‘twice hydrogen plus oxygen’ but also four P’s - pollution, power, politics and profit. This is not to discount the ‘science’ in the conceptualization of water but rather to add elements central to social sciences.Secondly, the concept of river needs to be redefined and understood not as a carrier of water, as assumedin most of theWestern languages, but as ‘nadi,’ a flow consisting of prana (life), shakti (power), and atman (soul), as etymologically definedin most of the South Asian languages. This comes closer to what critical hydrologists would say, WEBS, that is, a ‘river’ consists of water, energy, biodiversity and sediment. In this light, any fragmentation of transboundary river waterin the name of ‘sharing’becomes an unworkable option, unless of course a mechanism is found to ‘share’the water of the river along with its energy, biodiversity and sediment, and that again, without distorting and harming the life of the river!Thirdly, the subject of ‘water commons’needs to be approached from the standpoint of ‘rights’ of both human andriver. This is to flag the notion that nature, including rivers, has ‘rights’just like humans, although their manifestations may be different. In fact, empowered humans, particularly those in control of the state, have more ‘responsibility’ than ‘rights’ in dissuading themselves and others from creating conditions of human wrongs, not only against fellow human beings but also against nature.Finally, if the ‘rights’ ofhumans are to be ensuredthen there is an urgent need to reconceptualize and mainstream the human as a multiverse being. This is because humans are not only political beings but also economic, cultural, ecological, technological, and psychological beings. In this light, if conflicts are to be contained then humans need to be empowered in all possible areasof life – politics, economics, ecology, culture, technology, and psychology. This would certainly require empowering each and every person, all at the same time receptive to nature in general and rivers in particular.The book is designed to initiate a discourse on the civilizational quest for water commons, indeed, with the expectation that a discussion on rights and rivers would lead to a creative flow of ideas and practices.
The fundamental premise of this study is that where Constitutions, such as that of India and Pakistan, articulate legal norms which limit the scope of the executive power to derogate from individual rights during states of emergency, there must likewise exist an effective control mechanism to ensure that the Executive acts within the scope of that power. Viewed from this perspective, the judicial power to interpret the Constitution imposes upon the Court the constitutional duty to provide adequate safeguards against the abuse of state power affecting individual rights. This power remains available notwithstanding the presumed or purported ouster of judicial review. The concept of judicial review as a source of control is examined in the light of the experience of Pakistan and India during periods of constitutional emergency. The divergent approaches of the Courts in these countries, in litigation concerning emergency powers and individual rights, are explained in terms of divergent views that these Courts have adopted with respect to the nature of judicial review.
Explicating the pre- and post-Bin Laden Pakistan, Imtiaz Gul relooks at questions plaguing the nation: Why and how this country became home to the world’s most wanted terrorist? Bin Laden’s escape from the Tora Bora Mountains in Eastern Afghanistan in December 2001 to his last hideout in Abbottabad, and to find answers to the dozens of questions surrounding his stay in Pakistan as well as the US blitz raid in the wee hours of 2 May 2011. Had the world’s most wanted person at all been living in Pakistan for all those years, how did he manage to stay undetected, together with his big family, including an eight-month-old son? Who from within the security establishment provided the safety network to the family? What stakes did the Pakistan Army and the ISI have at all – if they were complicit – in protecting him? Why did Bin Laden fascinate certain people and groups within Pakistan? Pakistan: Before and After Osama is an attempt to analyze present-day Pakistan in the light of two narratives – one stitched together in Washington and the other woven in Pakistan – about the checkered history of its relations with Pakistan and its involvement in the region, and how differences over how to tackle Al Qaeda and its local affiliates continue to sour and strain the ties between the two long-time ‘allies’.
This book explores Bangladesh's shift from a 'bottomless pit' into a 'middle-income' category. Six chapters in the book cover topics on microfinance growth, ready-made garment production, and social safety net programs playing pivotal roles particularly for women empowerment. In doing so, the book shows that the net effect was not just a change to the country's limited number of representative brands, but also a realization of many more brands to have built up over time.
S.M. Atif Imtiaz's desire for genuine discussion about Islam in Britain is striking and compelling" -The Telegraph "Imtiaz's wisdom is offered in a simple, direct, accessible prose [and] speaks to all concerned with the place of Muslims in the West."—Tariq Modood, professor, University of Bristol "A compelling mix of intellectualism and vivid reportage."—Madeleine Bunting, associate editor and columnist, Guardian "Imtiaz is telling us to wake up to some tough global realities. Islam matters, more than anything else. Not just because it offers the most compelling and widely-followed alternative to turbo-capitalism, but because it does so on the basis of monotheism, history's most powerful idea. In these essays, spanning British and global Islamic issues of burning moment, Imtiaz reminds us that God has not gone away."—Abdal Hakim Murad, dean, Cambridge Muslim College Wandering Lonely in a Crowd: Reflections on the Muslim Condition in the West is a timely collection of essays, articles, lectures, and short stories that reflect on the years between 9/11 and Barack Obama. They cover the themes of integration, community cohesion, terrorism, radicalization, cultural difference, multiculturalism, identity politics, and liberalism. Beginning with a raw and unedited response to the terrorist attacks of 9/11 and ending with Obama's election, S.M. Atif Imtiaz covers the numerous facets of the debate that surrounds Western Muslims today. The book sets out a narrative for these years and a response that argues that Western Muslims should move away from identity politics towards Islamic humanism. S.M. Atif Imtiaz holds a doctorate in social psychology, is a longstanding community activist, and has worked in equalities for the Bradford and Airedale Primary Care Trust in England.
This book makes a significant contribution to the understanding of issues of comparative constitutionalism in emergent politics. Recurrent states of emergency in Malaysia, Sri Lanka and Bangladesh provide the background for a comparative examination of constitutional emergency powers, individual rights, and judicial review. This work examines the extent to which the Court in these countries has performed its expected role, identifies problems in approaches to interpretation which have been adopted, and suggests alternatives to constitutional interpretation and judicial review. The alternatives explored are drawn from contemporary western jurisprudence, including those of Ronald Dworkin and writers of the Critical Legal Studies tradition. The juxtaposition of western jurisprudential development to issues of constitutionalism in the countries under survey is a bold attempt to seek some common ground in conceptualizing rights and techniques of juristic interpretation in western and eastern legal cultures. The theoretical framework of the study is well-perceived, the arguments convincing. This carefully researched work makes a valuable and scholarly contribution to the study of comparative constitutional law and jurisprudence.
Aim of this dissertation is to provide organizations with a model and an application approach to configure their knowledge intensive processes with the functionalities offered by collaborative technologies. The model is structured into three segments: - attributes of knowledge intensive processes - functionalities of collaborative technologies - configurations of knowledge intensive processes and collaborative technologies The model is validated within three industrial case studies.
Did 9/11 revive a North American guns-butter trade-off? Established in the largest administrative overhaul since World War II, the Department of Homeland Security was charged with keeping the United States safe within a wider security community, but confronted the Washington Consensus-based Western Hemisphere free trade movement, beginning with the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) and extending to the Central American Free Trade Agreement (CAFTA) in 2003, to materialize a Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA) compact. Whether 9/11 restrictions impeded these trade-related thrusts or not, embracing neoliberalism permitted Canada and Mexico to pursue their own initiatives, such as proposing free-trade to the US—Canada in 1985, Mexico in 1990, but, as during the Cold War, security imperatives ultimately prevailed. This work investigates Canada's and Mexico's Department of Homeland Security responses through three bilateral studies of policy responses along comparative lines, case studies of security and intelligence apparatuses in each of the three countries, and a post-9/11 trilateral assessment. Ultimately, they raise a broader and more critical North American question: Will regional economic integration continue to be trumped by security considerations, as during the Cold War era, and thereby elevate second-best outcomes, or rise above the constraints to reassert the unquenchable post-Cold War thirst for unfettered markets replete with private enterprises, liberal policies, and full-fledged competitiveness?
This unique book sheds light on the press coverage of Karachi's ethnic affairs through a detailed textual analysis of newspapers. The author examines the coverage of communal issues in both English and Urdu newspapers, highlighting the improvements in English newspapers' coverage and the tendencies of Urdu dailies to report on state nationalism-driven news items during ethnic hostilities. With a regional focus on Karachi, this book is an essential read for historians, researchers, and journalists interested in understanding the ethnic dynamics of Pakistan and the role of the press in covering multi-ethnic societies. The book is a valuable contribution to the study of Pakistan's ethnic affairs, providing insight into the ideas, movements, and theories that have shaped Karachi's ethnic landscape.
Affectionately known as 'Bacha' Khan or 'Badshah' Khan amongst his people, Khan Abdul Ghaffar's life was dedicated to the social reform of the Pukhtuns, who traditionally adhere to a strict code of life called 'Pukhtunwali', which is governed by rather rigid tribal norms. Bacha Khan is an acknowledged leader in the hearts of the Pukhtuns across the world, due to his life long struggle to modernize Pukhtun society and his teachings of non-violence, adopted by his Khudai Khidmatgar (Servants of God) party, during the struggle for independence against the British. He stands tall in the pantheon of leaders of the movement for independence. A close associate of Mahatma Gandhi, his success in mobilizing the Pukhtuns of the North-West Frontier Province and the Tribal Areas through a non-violent struggle, had significant bearing on this movement, in which the Khudai Khidmatgar allied with the Indian National Congress. The Pushto edition of Bacha Khan's autobiography was first published in 1983 in Afghanistan, when he was 93 years old. Nearly four decades later the book has been translated and published for the first time in English. This translation was painstakingly done by Sahibzada at the request of Shandana Humayun Khan, to whom he has dedicated the book. Shandana's maternal great-grandfather was Qazi Ataullah, a close lieutenant of Bacha Khan's and a key figure in the Khudai Khidmatgar movement. Before the translation process started, Sahibzada and Shandana visited several members of Bacha Khan's family including his grandsons Nasir Ali Khan, Asfandayar Wali Khan and Saleem Jan. The translator shared a close friendship with Bacha Khan's son, Abdul Ghani Khan, the greatest Pukhtun poet of the century. The book is a result of the participation of several members of his family and those who have spent their lives studying Bacha Khan's philosophy. For the first time Bacha Khan's thoughts on Pukhtun society, his vision for a more equitable world achieved along the lines of non-violence have been researched, translated and made available for the world in his own words.
Distinctively pairing video footage and role-play scenarios, How to Pass the CSA Exam presents a broad range of consultations in the most common clinical areas a trainee or GP ST3 is likely to encounter, to reinforce core knowledge and skills. Cases cover the entire CSA case selection blueprint, with a range of acute, chronic, undifferentiated, psychosocial and preventative cases in the different disease areas. The two DVDs feature over 3 hours of consultations drawn from real life experience, with step-by-step explanations and points highlighted for examination, and include filmed panel discussion and feedback. The accompanying guidebook mirrors the video content, with explanatory text, advice on how the exam works and how role players are briefed, 'CSA Plus' resources on broader issues encountered in everyday general practice, and links to relevant guidelines, e-learning modules, and further resources. Developed by GP trainers, educators and programme directors based on their vast understanding of the consultation and exam process and proven experience, How to Pass the CSA Exam is a thorough and systematic companion to preparing for these examinations to help you optimise your skills and prepare for early practice life. Includes consultations in: • Diabetes • Depression • Back pain • Dementia • Breaking bad news DVDs feature: • 12 consultations (with trainee reflection and trainer feedback) (Duration approx. 180 minutes) • Top tips from round-table discussions with trainees who recently passed the CSA exam (Duration approx. 30 minutes) The authors of How to Pass the CSA Exam also provide a high quality, up-to-date and comprehensive course specifically designed for excelling in the MRCGP exam, featuring mock AKT paper and CSA exam with actors as role-players. For full details, visit www.londonmrcgp.co.uk
Much has been written about democratizing Afghanistan and Iraq, yet a clear-cut, theoretically-enriching, and empirically thick comparative analysis remains overdue for societies as divided as these two. To partly fill in the vacuum, this book utilizes various theories and stages of international negotiations(which catalyzed democratization in both cases) in interpreting both cases, while also distinguishing between endogenous and exogenous democratization forces. How electoral democracy came about in both cases is traced from the negotiating table through at least 4 stages and 6 chapters. The study finds democratization being more stable when left on its own momentum (as in Afghanistan) than when conflict-driven (as in Iraq). Though full-fledged democracy does not appear inevitable in either case, the study's insightful exploration of its interface in Islamic communities and as a Bush Doctrine component alerts us to fasten our seat belts before elections beckon again.
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