This study aims to show that current thinking about the role of resources in war, and as a component of military potential in peacetime, relies on notions derived from historical experience and changes in the nature of warfare, not least the advent of nuclear weapons.
The authors describe the challenges and opportunities facing Turkey in the international environment during a time of extraordinary flux. Special emphasis is given to the strategic and security issues facing Turkey, including a number of new issues posed by the terrorist attacks of September 2001 and the subsequent international response. They conclude by offering some prognostications regarding the country's future and their implications on Turkey's western partners.
Traces the recent evolution of international terrorism against civilian and U.S. military targets, looks ahead to where terrorism is going, and assesses how it might be contained. The authors consider the threat of information-based terrorism and of weapons of mass destruction, with an emphasis on how changes in the sources and nature of terrorism may affect the use of unconventional terror. The authors propose counterterrorism strategies that address the growing problem of homeland defense.
The post-World War II occupations of Germany and Japan set standards for postconflict nation-building that have not since been matched. Only in recent years has the United States has felt the need to participate in similar transformations, but it is now facing one of the most challenging prospects since the 1940s: Iraq. The authors review seven case studies--Germany, Japan, Somalia, Haiti, Bosnia, Kosovo, and Afghanistan--and seek lessons about what worked well and what did not. Then, they examine the Iraq situation in light of these lessons. Success in Iraq will require an extensive commitment of financial, military, and political resources for a long time. The United States cannot afford to contemplate early exit strategies and cannot afford to leave the job half completed.
The security environment facing the United States and NATO in Europe is changing in fundamental ways, including a steady growth of security challenges emanating from Europe's southern periphery--around the Mediterranean and beyond. This study explores this phenomenon, with special attention to transregional risks, Turkey's Alliance role and need for redefinition, the risk of a Greek-Turkish conflict, the Mediterranean dimension of NATO adaptation, and what these issues might mean for U.S. and NATO strategy. The author finds that Spain, Italy, and Turkey will be key to supporting expeditionary operations in the south; military-to-military ties will require new efforts; a portfolio approach to access arrangements can provide a hedge against uncertainties about coalition behavior in crises; bilateral air power activities in the south should have increased NATO content; and Greek-Turkish risk reduction is an imperative. Areas for future research include lessons of Kosovo for basing and access, the role of air power based in Turkey, and potential USAF contributions to Greek-Turkish risk reduction.
Greece has been profoundly affected by recent changes in the internationalenvironment, on its borders, and within the country itself. Manylong-standing assumptions about Greek interests and Greece_s role havefallen away and have been supplanted by new approaches. The country hasbecome progressively more modern and more European, and its internationalpolicy has become more sophisticated. At the same time, the geopoliticalscene has evolved in ways that present new challenges and new opportunitiesfor Athens in its relations with Europe, the United States, and neighboringcountries. Many of these challenges cross traditional regional boundariesand underscore Greece_s potential to play a transregional role, lookingoutward from Europe to the Mediterranean, Eurasia, and the Middle East. Thisreport explores the new geopolitical environment Greece faces, payingspecial attention to the implications for southeastern Europe andtransatlantic relations; explores options for Greek strategy; and offerssome new directions for policy in Greece and on both sides of the Atlantic.
The clash of civilizations" has become a common phrase in discussions of U.S.-Middle East relations. This book explores the nature of the friction between the Muslim world and Western states, looking at legitimate perceptions and grievances on both sides involving historical, political, economic, cultural, psychological, and strategic elements. Arguing that "Islam versus the West" does not represent the arena of the next global ideological struggle, the authors examine specific issues of a bilateral nature that require careful handling to prevent the consolidation of states into opposing blocs. They discuss Islam's efforts to politically enhance the real power of Muslim states and to equalize relations with the West in the strategic arena; the enlarged role of Islam in the internal politics of Muslim countries; and the urgency of political, economic, and social change to break away from traditional authoritarian orders. A central theme of the book is that political Islam threatens the established order in most Muslim countries far more than it threatens the West and that violent confrontation can best be circumvented by integrating Islamist forces into the political process.
This report explores the changing strategic environment in southern Europe and the Mediterranean, its effects on the countries of NATO's Southern Region--Portugal, Spain, Italy, Greece, and Turkey--and the implications for U.S. policy and strategy. The Southern Region faces significant security and security-related challenges beyond the Cold War. The "threat from the south" is not simply or even primarily a military one--many of Europe's security-related concerns, including the problems of migration and political friction between Islam and the West, are felt most keenly in southern Europe. New regional arrangements reflect a pattern of activism across the Southern Region relevant to U.S. interests and policy. NATO's southern allies are increasingly willing to contribute to NATO and European rapid response initiatives for contingencies on the European periphery. Foreign and security policies across the region--except for Turkey--are increasingly framed in European terms. But the Southern Region countries share a post-Cold War interest in the U.S. presence as an instrument of regional deterrence and political reassurance. 125 pp. Bibliog.
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