What would it mean to imagine Islam as an immanent critique of the West? Sayyid Ahmad Khan lived in a time of great tribulation for Muslim India under British rule. By examining Khan's work as a critical expression of modernity rooted in the Muslim experience of it, Islam as Critique argues that Khan is essential to understanding the problematics of modern Islam and its relationship to the West. The book re-imagines Islam as an interpretive strategy for investigating the modern condition, and as an engaged alternative to mainstream Western thought. Using the life and work of nineteenth-century Indian Muslim polymath Khan (1817-1898), it identifies Muslims as a viable resource for both critical intervention in important ethical debates of our times and as legitimate participants in humanistic discourses that underpin a just global order. Islam as Critique locates Khan within a broader strain in modern Islamic thought that is neither a rejection of the West, nor a wholesale acceptance of it. The author calls this “Critical Islam”. By bringing Khan's critical engagement with modernity into conversation with similar critical analyses of the modern by Reinhold Niebuhr, Hannah Arendt, and Alasdair MacIntyre, the author shows how Islam can be read as critique.
Sir Charles Cunningham Watson the Political Secretary of the Viceroy made the following interesting observation in his own handwriting on the file regarding appointment of Lt.Col.Colvin as Prime Minister of Kashmir: "I am definitely of the opinion that if Col.Colvin is to be of full value both to the Govt of India and the Durbar he must not draw less than Rs.4000/pm. Otherwise it will be said in the bazars that he is a cheap figurehead imported by the Maharajah on the advice of the Kashmiri Pandits. This last is true; he must not start with any other handicap." This makes clear the reason for the appointment of Col.Colvin as the Prime Minister of the Maharaja and is referred to in Chapter 18 of this book. To put it in proper perspective for the modern reader the lowest paid government worker like the Government Silk Factory worker was paid about Rupees ten per month. Thus the salary recommended for the Prime Minister was 400 times the salary of the lowest paid worker. In modern India the lowest paid employee of the Central Government the peon is paid about Rupees 7000/p.m. while the Prime Minister gets a pay of about Rupees 160,000/p.m. i.e. just about 23 times the salary of the peon The Resident of Kashmir in his memorandum of September 1931 to the Government of India made the following observation about the July 1931 agitation: “.. At the present moment communal trouble, as such, has not come to notice. The tenseness of Muhammadan feeling is rather anti-Durbar than anti-Hindu.” This belies the attempt by some persons to dub the agitation by the people of Kashmir for their greater empowerment that began on 13th July 1931 as a communal riot. Amin Kamil (1924-2014) is a famous Kashmiri poet and writer.Appendix 3 of this edition has the english translation of his short story “Pyind Puran” which describes the sea change that came about in Kashmir after the abolition of feudalism by Sheikh Abdullah in1952. This is the first time that this story has been translated from Kashmiri into English. The story of Sheikh Abdullah’s life is a love story. It is the story of a man who loved Kashmir and “whose entire life was an expression of this love”. It is a story of his trials and tribulations, his successes and failures, of storms that he weathered and his halcyon days. It is a story that deserves to be read and reread for its sheer human interest by all those who have a place in their heart for that blighted paradise that is Kashmir.
During the 1930s, much of the world was in severe economic and political crisis. This upheaval ushered in new ways of thinking about social and political systems. In some cases, these new ideas transformed states and empires alike. Particularly in Europe, these transformations are well-chronicled in scholarship. In academic writings on India, however, Muslim political and legal thought has gone relatively unnoticed during this eventful decade. This book fills this gap by mapping the evolution of Muslim political and legal thought from roughly 1927 to 1940. By looking at landmark court cases in tandem with the political and legal ideas of Muhammad Iqbal and Muhammad Ali Jinnah, Pakistan's founding fathers, this book highlights the more concealed ways in which Indian Muslims began to acquire a political outlook with distinctly separatist aspirations. What makes this period worthy of a separate study is that the legal antagonism between religious communities in the 1930s foreshadowed political conflicts that arose in the run-up to independence in 1947. The presented cases and thinkers reflect the possibilities and limitations of Muslim political thought in colonial India.
The volume provides a complex portrait of the chieftains of Bihar and their relationship with the Mughal Empire as well as their role in the consolidation and expansion of the Mughal Empire in India. Please note: Taylor & Francis does not sell or distribute the Hardback in India, Pakistan, Nepal, Bhutan, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka
The Ahmadiyya Muslim community represents the followers of Mirza Ghulam Ahmad (1835–1908), a charismatic leader whose claims of spiritual authority brought him into conflict with most other Muslim leaders of the time. The controversial movement originated in rural India in the latter part of the 19th century and is best known for challenging current conceptions of Islamic orthodoxy. Despite missionary success and expansion throughout the world, particularly in Western Europe, North America, and parts of Africa, Ahmadis have effectively been banned from Pakistan. Adil Hussain Khan traces the origins of Ahmadi Islam from a small Sufi-style brotherhood to a major transnational organization, which many Muslims believe to be beyond the pale of Islam.
Islam encourages business and financial transactions as a way of securing the basic needs for all human beings, but these need to be conducted in accordance with the principles contained in the Qur’ān and Sunnah. However, these legal concepts are not classified subject-wise, and the verses on commercial law, like all other topics, are scattered throughout the Qur’ān, making it difficult for readers to gain a full understanding of the topic. This, therefore, is the first comprehensive book to demystify Islamic contract law and specifically Islamic financial contracts, and to examine its roots and history. The book is written in a clear style to allow for a greater understanding of the more challenging and misunderstood areas pertaining to Islamic business and financial contracts. It also contributes a series of chapters which address the market niche and need, concerning Shariah compliance for Islamic financial products and services. The book is divided into 16 chapters in order to provide a holistic and thorough overview of Islamic law of contract. It covers the objections and misconceptions surrounding Islamic business and financial contracts. It also includes the key features and guiding principles of Islamic law of contract and offers technical know-how, illustrating the concept of formation of a contract, as well as the essential elements of a valid contract. The authors also offer a discussion on the system of options under Islamic business and financial contracts and potential solutions to breach of contracts. The book will serve as a handy reference for scholars and students of Islamic business and finance and Islamic commercial law and will also be beneficial for practitioners as well as legal and judicial officers. It will open new doors for further research in the field of Islamic financial contracts.
The Muslim Speaks reimagines Islam as a strategy for investigating the modern condition. Rather than imagining it as an issue external to a discrete West, Khurram Hussain constructs Islam as internal to the elaboration and expansion of the West. In doing so he reveals three discursive traps – that of ‘freedom’, ‘reason’ and ‘culture’ – that inhibit the availability of Islam as a feasible, critical interlocutor in Western deliberations about moral, intellectual and political concerns. Through close examination of this inhibition, Hussain posits that while Islamophobia is clearly a moral wrong, ‘depoliticization’ more accurately describes the problems associated with the lived experience of Muslims in the West and elsewhere. Weaving together his conclusions in the hope of a common world, Khurram Hussain boldy and quite radically deems that what Islam needs is not depoliticization, but infact repoliticization.
Benazir Bhutto was twice prime minister of Pakistan, and was campaigning for a return to power when she was assassinated on December 27, 2007. She was born into a political family - her father, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, was Pakistan's Prime Minister from 1973-77, and was deposed, imprisoned, and finally executed after a military coup. Benazir was imprisoned repeatedly before leaving for exile in London. She began to take interest in the political activities of her father's party - Pakistan people's Party (PPP), and returned to Pakistan in 1986. And in 1988, she was elected Prime Minister. For the next decade she was one of the most prominent women leaders in the world, and was seen in particular as a symbol of progress in women's rights. Bhutto was again forced into exile in 1999 and came back to Pakistan in October 2007 to lead her party in upcoming national elections. This book provides deep insights into the life and achievements of Benazir Bhutto. Going deep into her family background, her early childhood and education, it describes how her father was hanged and how she entered politics. Her policies and achievements as Prime Minister of Pakistan has also been discussed. Her important speeches and interview have been incorporated as well.
This book deals with Law of Waqf (Muslim Endowment Law) and its judicial response in India. The volume covers several jurisprudential and historical aspects of Waqf, which include Doctrines of Waqf; Essential Requisites of Waqf; Valid Objects of Waqf; Historical Account of Waqf; Emergence of Waqf Law in India; and Constitutional Validity of Waqf in India. The chapters then go on to discuss the Waqf Act 1995 and Waqf Amendment Act 2013. The legal perspectives of each Section of Waqf Act and its amendments are elucidated with references under Reflections. The case-law has been analysed and cited under each Section of Waqf Act, wherever applicable. This book will be of interest to scholars and researchers of law and legal studies. It will be of interest to practitioners of Waqf Jurisprudence in India, the managers of Waqf Institutions and officials involved in Waqf Administration.
This book traces the roots of modern-day Kashmir and the role of Sheikh Abdullah in its making. As the most influential political figurehead in twentieth-century Kashmir, he played a crucial role in its transformation from a kingdom to a state in independent India. He was enigmatic and complex, to say the least. Following his meteoric rise, he dominated the political scene for more than 50 years, with enduring impact. The volume presents a keen analysis of pre-Independence events which led to the emergence of a controversial and confused identity of the region. It also looks at other major themes in the political life of Kashmir, including the formation of the Muslim Conference, the plebiscite movement and the Kashmir Accord. A major intervention in the political life of South Asia, this book presents an inside-view of the history of modern Kashmir through the life and times of Sheikh Abdullah. It will be of great interest to scholars and researchers of politics, history, and modern South Asia.
In nineteenth-century Punjab, a cultural tug-of-war ensued as both Sufi mystics and British officials aimed to engage the local artisans as a means of realizing their ideological ambitions. When it came to influence and impact, the Sufi shrines had a huge advantage over the colonial art institutions, such as the Mayo School of Arts in Lahore. The mystically-inspired shrines, built as a statement of Muslim ruling ambitions, were better suited to the task of appealing to local art traditions. By contrast the colonial institutions, rooted in the Positivist Romanticism of the Victorian West, found assimilation to be more of a challenge. In questioning their relative success and failures at influencing local culture, the book explores the extent to which political control translates into cultural influence. Folktales, Sufi shrines, colonial architecture, institutional education methods and museum exhibitions all provide a wealth of sources for revealing the complex dynamic between the Punjabi artisans, the Sufi community and the colonial British. In this unique look at a little-explored aspect of India's history, Hussain Ahmad Khan explores this evidence in order to illuminate this web of cultural influences. Examining the Sufi-artisan relationship within the various contexts of political revolt, the decline of the Mughals and the struggle of the Sufis to establish an Islamic state, this book argues that Sufi shrines were initially constructed with the aim of affirming a distinct 'Muslim' identity. At the same time, art institutions established by colonial officials attempted to promote eclectic architecture representing the 'British Indian empire', as well as to revive the pre-colonial traditions with which they had previously seemed out of touch. This important book sheds new light on the dynamics of power and culture in the British Empire.
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