Since the Euro crisis began, Germany has emerged as Europe's dominant power. During the last three years, German Chancellor Angela Merkel has been compared with Bismarck and even Hitler in the European media. And yet few can deny that Germany today is very different from the stereotype of nineteenth- and twentieth-century history. After nearly seventy years of struggling with the Nazi past, Germans think that they more than anyone have learned its lessons. Above all, what the new Germany thinks it stands for is peace. Germany is unique in this combination of economic assertiveness and military abstinence. So what does it mean to have a "German Europe" in the twenty-first century? In The Paradox of German Power, Hans Kundnani explains how Germany got to where it is now and where it might go in future. He explores German national identity and foreign policy through a series of tensions in German thinking and action: between continuity and change, between "normality" and "abnormality," between economics and politics, and between Europe and the world.
Since the Euro crisis began, Germany has emerged as Europe's dominant power. During the last three years, German Chancellor Angela Merkel has been compared with Bismarck and even Hitler in the European media. And yet few can deny that Germany today is very different from the stereotype of nineteenth- and twentieth-century history. After nearly seventy years of struggling with the Nazi past, Germans think that they more than anyone have learned its lessons. Above all, what the new Germany thinks it stands for is peace. Germany is unique in this combination of economic assertiveness and military abstinence. So what does it mean to have a "German Europe" in the twenty-first century? In The Paradox of German Power, Hans Kundnani explains how Germany got to where it is now and where it might go in future. He explores German national identity and foreign policy through a series of tensions in German thinking and action: between continuity and change, between "normality" and "abnormality," between economics and politics, and between Europe and the world.
The European Union is often seen as a cosmopolitan rejection of violent nationalism. Yet the idea of Europe has a long, problematic history--in medieval times, it was synonymous with Christianity; in the modern era, it became associated with "whiteness." Eurowhiteness exposes the EU as a vehicle for imperial amnesia. Narratives of European integration emphasise the lessons of war and the Holocaust, but not the lessons of colonial history. The EU is about power as much as peace--and civic ideas of Europe are being displaced by ethnic and cultural ones. Since the 2015 refugee crisis, whiteness has become even more central to European identity--a troubling new turn in Europe's long civilisational project. It is time to confront the relationship between ideas of Europe and ideas of race.
The European Union is often seen as a cosmopolitan rejection of violent nationalism. Yet the idea of Europe has a long, problematic history--in medieval times, it was synonymous with Christianity; in the modern era, it became associated with "whiteness." Eurowhiteness exposes the EU as a vehicle for imperial amnesia. Narratives of European integration emphasise the lessons of war and the Holocaust, but not the lessons of colonial history. The EU is about power as much as peace--and civic ideas of Europe are being displaced by ethnic and cultural ones. Since the 2015 refugee crisis, whiteness has become even more central to European identity--a troubling new turn in Europe's long civilisational project. It is time to confront the relationship between ideas of Europe and ideas of race.
The increase in trade between China and Germany during the last decade--and, in particular, in German exports to China--has exceeded all expectations. Germany is China's number-one trade partner in the EU and China is the top foreign investment destination for German companies. Based on this emerging economic symbiosis between China and Germany, a "special relationship" is now developing. But is this trade-based relationship damaging wider European strategic interests in areas such as foreign policy, energy and raw materials, climate change and human rights? In a new ECFR policy brief, Hans Kundnani and Jonas Parello-Plesner argue that a special relationship between Germany and China is emerging: China needs technology and Germany needs markets. Structural similarities and shared economic interests are key for this emerging special relationship which has further intensified since the economic crisis in 2008. But Chinese companies will provide greater competition in the future and trade conflicts are likely to intensify -- Germany's approach to China is mostly driven by economic interests and the needs of its exporters. Germany's foreign policy is based on the idea that economic exchange would lead to political and societal change in China -- China sees Germany as the most useful country for its economic development. Germany is an attractive partner because of its prominent role in the EU, a similar strategic outlook-but also because of increased German dependence on China. "The Chinese are thinking about whether a 'German Europe' is emerging from the euro crisis just as we are. They increasingly see Berlin as the place to go to get things done." - Jonas Parello-Plesner. "Europe's future relationship with China will be determined by Germany's rapidly evolving bilateral relationship with China. The danger of this new special relationship is that it could undermine European strategic and economic interests"-Hans Kundnani. The authors argue that the emerging special relationship also matters for Europe and should be developed into a 'real' European strategic partnership with China: The EU should identify where Europe can help Germany. For example, the EU can bring added value in developing better investment and public procurement rules and it should use its leverage in negotiating access to raw materials -- A joint EU approach towards China requires better coordination among member states and the involvement of EU institutions. The EU should also explore new formats for dealing with China -- EU member states should empower the European External Action Service (EEAS) to develop a new "top-down" approach to China. The High Representative should co-ordinate Europe's China policy in areas such as trade and climate change"--Publisher's description.
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