In Almost Home, H. B. Cavalcanti, a Brazilian-born scholar who has spent three decades working and living in the United States, reflects on his life as an immigrant and places his story within the context of the larger history of immigration. Due to both his family background and the prevalence of U.S. media in Latin America, Cavalcanti already felt immersed in U.S. culture before arriving in Kentucky in 1981 to complete graduate studies. At that time, opportunities for advancement in the United States exceeded those in Brazil, and in an era of military dictatorships throughout much of Latin America, Cavalcanti sought in the United States a nation of laws. In this memoir, he reflects on the dynamics of acculturation, immigrant parenting, interactions with native-born U.S. citizens, and the costs involved in rejecting his country of birth for an adopted nation. He also touches on many of the factors that contribute to migration in both the “sending” and “receiving” countries and explores the contemporary phenomenon of accelerated immigration. With its blend of personal anecdotes and scholarly information, Almost Home addresses both individual and policy-related issues to provide a moving portrait of the impact of migration on those who, like Cavalcanti, confront both the wonder and the disorientation inherent in the immigrant experience.
Christian conservatism has changed drastically in the last 25 years. From the working-class faith of small, autonomous rural churches or storefront sanctuaries to the megachurches of the suburbs and the halls of power—Congress and the White House—the faith is no longer at the margins of American religion. Rather, it is a dominant force in the American public square. For the first time in its history, Christian conservatism boasts an expanded network of born-again clubs and services that closely follow secular trends in the American consumer market. A veritable Christian suburbia has been created that parallels its secular counterpart. This Christian conservative co-optation of suburbia is unprecedented in the history of the movement. Their embrace of modernity and middle-class lifestyle is a stark contrast to Christian conservatives who avoided engaging with modernity earlier in the 20th century. How did conservative Christianity change, and how is this change affecting its relationship with the larger society? Influenced by middle-class values, power, and education, Christian conservatism has opted to engage with modern political life, allying itself with the Republican Party, and developing an extensive political agenda of its own. This book documents the transformation of Christian conservatism into a middle-class faith and argues that the changes experienced by Christian conservatism are part of a larger religious realignment in American Christianity. Conservative Christianity, once home primarily to working- class religious communities, greatly benefited from the migration of conservative Christians from other denominations as a result of the 1960s Cultural Revolution. The final goal of the movement is, of course, the creation of a biblically-based society, one whose laws are defined by a conservative reading of the Scriptures and whose public mores are more akin to its newly gained middle class status. The push to restore a Christian America raises questions about the conservative Christian faith. Cavalcanti answers those questions as he traces the growth of the movement and its goals.
While congregational studies have expanded our understanding of American religion, little is known about the local practices of a single denomination at its smallest jurisdiction. This book explores how national denominational commitments are affecting the practices of local United Church of Christ congregations inside a single association in the Shenandoah Valley. Nationally, the UCC defines itself as a united and uniting church in its ecumenical work; as multiracial and multicultural in its diversity; as accessible to all in welcoming those with disabilities; as open and affirming for its LGBT members; and as a just peace church in its support of social justice. So, how fully have local congregations embraced these commitments? Might congregations be more attached to their older identities, particularly in areas where the church's predecessors were strongly rooted? Or are the national church's commitments being lived out at the grassroots level? The book measures congregational life in one of the UCC's oldest and smallest associations. Books on congregational studies either focus on a case study of a particular congregation, or large-scale surveys of U.S. congregations that explore aggregate data to explain their work. This book looks instead at a group of local congregations inside a small judicatory (the Shenandoah Association) of the United Church of Christ to explain religious life at the grassroots level.
One of the most unfortunate facts about the relationship of the United States with Latin America is that only in recent years has there been any appreciable amount of intellectual interchange with reference to law. This, of course, is an example of the relative lack of cultural exchange between these peoples. Only in very recent years has the North American interest in Latin America been in any sense general and active. While there are a few recent volumes which discuss various aspects of Latin American law in a fashion calculated to interest the North American lawyer and academician, the Latin American contributions to and attitudes toward international law are virtually unknown in the United States except in very restricted quarters. For this reason it was thought that a survey such as the one presented here would contribute not only to a better under standing of Latin American juristic thought as pertaining to international law, but also to a better comprehension of legal theory in general, and of Latin American culture as a whole. The phase of the philosophy of international law which, with reference to the regional application here studied, has been the major interest in this work, i.e., whether writers rely more on naturalism or positivism as the philosophical foundation of the law of nations, is, like the matter of Latin American law itself, a subject which has been neglected by North American scholars.
Christian conservatism has changed drastically in the last 25 years. From the working-class faith of small, autonomous rural churches or storefront sanctuaries to the megachurches of the suburbs and the halls of power—Congress and the White House—the faith is no longer at the margins of American religion. Rather, it is a dominant force in the American public square. For the first time in its history, Christian conservatism boasts an expanded network of born-again clubs and services that closely follow secular trends in the American consumer market. A veritable Christian suburbia has been created that parallels its secular counterpart. This Christian conservative co-optation of suburbia is unprecedented in the history of the movement. Their embrace of modernity and middle-class lifestyle is a stark contrast to Christian conservatives who avoided engaging with modernity earlier in the 20th century. How did conservative Christianity change, and how is this change affecting its relationship with the larger society? Influenced by middle-class values, power, and education, Christian conservatism has opted to engage with modern political life, allying itself with the Republican Party, and developing an extensive political agenda of its own. This book documents the transformation of Christian conservatism into a middle-class faith and argues that the changes experienced by Christian conservatism are part of a larger religious realignment in American Christianity. Conservative Christianity, once home primarily to working- class religious communities, greatly benefited from the migration of conservative Christians from other denominations as a result of the 1960s Cultural Revolution. The final goal of the movement is, of course, the creation of a biblically-based society, one whose laws are defined by a conservative reading of the Scriptures and whose public mores are more akin to its newly gained middle class status. The push to restore a Christian America raises questions about the conservative Christian faith. Cavalcanti answers those questions as he traces the growth of the movement and its goals.
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