This is the fourth edition of 'Nyerere and Africa: End of an Era. It is also the largest and includes new material not found in previous editions. The work is a comprehensive study of the political career of President Julius Nyerere spanning half a century. The author takes a critical look at Nyerere's policies and influence in the domestic and international arenas for an objective evaluation of the life and times of one of the most influential leaders in the twentieth century. The major role he played in the liberation of southern Africa is just one of the subjects addressed by the author. He also provides insights into Nyerere's personality from some of the people who knew him best. Included in the book are interviews with some of the people who knew Nyerere since his childhood. Some of them were his teachers. And they outlived him. Others were his schoolmates and colleagues in government and when he was a teacher. And some of them were his students. Also included are interviews with some of his family members. This is an essential study of post-colonial Africa. It is also a study in political leadership and Cold War politics in the African context, among many other subjects addressed in the book which should serve as a reference text for scholars and laymen alike interested in Africa and the Third World in general.
This is a revised and updated edition in which the author examines the problems of post-colonial Africa. He contends that the problems have existed since independence in the sixties and have been made worse through the years by a combination of factors. It is a blunt assessment and prescribes some solutions to Africa's problems focusing on internal factors but without exonerating external forces from what has happened on the continent through the decades.
The author looks at how Namibia was founded as a German colony known as Deutsch-Südwestafrika (German South-West Africa) and how it evolved into a nation. He explains how it was founded on brutal suppression of the indigenous people, including extermination of large numbers of some groups, and how, on becoming a colony of South Africa, its people continued to be subjected to brutal treatment by the white minority rulers who denied them racial equality. The author also focuses on the liberation struggle against apartheid and how the country won independence from apartheid South Africa. He also looks at how the leaders of the new nation are trying to build the country and construct a national identity on the basis of unity in diversity. It is an analysis of identity formation at the national level, and consolidation of the state, whose relevance is continental in scope: studies of other African countries in their quest for unity and construction – or reconstruction – of their national identities during the post-colonial era can benefit from this work. It is also a work of comparative analysis in terms of nationhood in the African context and how Namibia and Tanzania – two case studies – have sought to construct their national identities, the obstacles they have faced and continue to face in the quest for national unity, especially in the case of Namibia, and why Tanzania has been more successful than most countries on the continent in building a cohesive society where tribalism is virtually non-existent, enabling it to consolidate its unity and national identity. The author also looks at the concept of national character and its relevance to national identity formation and why the national identities of different African countries are weak and what can be done to address the problem. It is also an introductory text which may be helpful to some people who are going to Namibia for the first time although it is essentially a scholarly work intended for members of the academic community and specialists in some fields dealing with this southwest African country and its people. But members of the general public who want to learn more about Namibia may also find the book to be useful.
This work focuses on the early years of independence and the problems African countries faced soon after the end of colonial rule. They include poverty and underdevelopment; adoption of alien ideologies and economic and political systems; structural flaws of the modern African state and its institutions inherited at independence; nation-building, democratization, national integration, and ethno-regional rivalries among others. The work also looks at prospects for continental unification from the perspectives of leaders such as Nkrumah and Nyerere. As a demographic portrait, it depicts the continent as a tapestry that reflects the racial diversity and multi-ethnic composition of this vast land mass. And as a historical and political analysis, it addresses some of the most important issues in the post-colonial era. The book includes photos from the early sixties.
The author looks at Kenya in a modern and traditional context to provide a general picture of the country. Subjects covered include Kenya's provinces and the different ethnic groups in those areas. Also covered are towns and cities as well as other urban centres and natural resources in each of the provinces. Readers are also going to learn about some cultural aspects of Kenya. The work provides a comprehensive picture of Kenya in terms of geography and ethnic composition in order to help those who don't know much about it appreciate the beauty, complexity and diversity as well as the enormous potential of this East African country. Even those who already know many things about Kenya may be able to learn a few things from the book.
This work looks at the fate of black African immigrants in South Africa and the xenophobic attacks against them which have taken place in many parts of the country through the years since the end of apartheid. The xenophobic violence has been perpetrated by black South Africans, prompting some people to describe this phenomenon as the new apartheid - by blacks against other blacks - after the end of white minority rule. Besides the violence directed against them, black African immigrants also face hostility in general from a significant number of South Africans including educated ones and members of the middle class as well as some leaders who "encourage" them to "go home." In 2008, black African immigrants were attacked in different parts of the country in the worst form of violence since the end of apartheid. Tens of thousands were left homeless and just as many were forced to flee South Africa and return to their home countries. The author looks at the factors behind the violence and why many Africans are forced to flee their home countries in search of greener pastures elsewhere. Bad African leadership is one of the main factors. He also argues that South Africa can not solve the problems of other African countries, including unemployment, and should not be expected to. The attacks against the immigrants have resulted in many deaths and destruction of property through the years. And their plight is inextricably linked with the transformation the country has been undergoing since the end of apartheid, the author contends. This work also looks at prospects for transformation and the challenges South Africa faces in its quest for social justice across the spectrum in a society still dominated by whites in terms of economic power. Millions of blacks are still trapped in poverty with no relief in sight, a factor which explains some of the violence that has been directed against foreigners, mostly black African immigrants who are accused of taking jobs away from black South Africans, especially those living in poverty in the townships which were also the scene of the worst form of violence perpetrated against the immigrants since the end of white minority rule.
This work is about life in Zambia. It's also a general introduction to Zambia, the land and its people. Subjects covered include the country's history and geography, ethnic groups and their cultures. All the provinces of Zambia and their natural resources and important landmarks are also covered in the book. So are towns and cities in each of the provinces. Much of the work is focused on how the people live in their traditional societies and in the towns and cities, including the people of different ethnic groups - some from neighbouring countries especially Tanzania and Malawi - who work in the mines in the Copperbelt Province and how they interact with each other and with the indigenous people of Zambia. Some of the people who may find this work to be useful include tourists and others going to Zambia or anybody else who wants to learn some basic facts about the country.
Category: NonFiction/Politics/Political Sciences/Government leader of Tanganyika, and later Tanzania, and examines his policies in the domestic arena, including the Arusha Declaration and ujamaa, or familyhood, what has also been described as African socialism. for independence, including the trial of Julius Nyerere who was accused and convicted of libel by the British colonial government. during that period and his role in the African liberation struggle are among the subjects addressed in this work by the author who observed, first-hand, many of the events he has written about in his native country of Tanzania. For example, he recalls when President Nyerere asked publicly who elected the IMF to be the ministry of finance for every country in the world, when the world financial institution tried to force the president to accept terms he didn't like. under Nyerere's stewardship after the founding father of the nation stepped down from the presidency and attempts to see where the country is headed without Mwalimu Nyerere on the scene. but has lived most of his life in the United States. He is a graduate of Wayne State University in Detroit, Michigan. He also attended Aquinas College in Grand Rapids in the same state.
The author looks at The Gambia and its people and how this African country has been able to achieve cultural integration on a national level. He also provides a comprehensive picture of the country's nation identity which is a fusion of the multiple identities of the various ethno-cultural groups which collectively constitute the Gambian nation. The work is a study of ethnic cultures and identities in the Gambian context whose relevance is continental in scope. Ethnicity is the primary identity in most African countries. It transcends national identity. Understanding its role in the lives of most Africans also helps us to understand African countries with all their complexities which collectively define the continent. In spite of its ethnic and cultural diversity, The Gambia is one of the most united countries in Africa. It's also one of the most peaceful, enjoying harmonious relations among its various ethnic groups unlike many African countries where instability and civil strife caused by ethnic rivalries - fuelled by unscrupulous politicians - is the defining feature of national life. The ability of the various ethnic groups in The Gambia to interact harmoniously has led to cultural integration on a scale unheard of in most African countries. While it's true that different tribal cultures do exist in The Gambia, it's equally true that there also exists a national culture which unites the country's various ethnic groups into a cohesive whole transcending ethno-regional loyalties. As an ethnically diverse nation, The Gambia is a microcosm of Africa: a continent whose countries are characterised by ethnic and cultural diversity where rivalries along tribal and regional lines are the norm rather than the exception. But The Gambia also is a good example of what many African countries have yet to be: united, with a solid national identity that has not been fractured or fragmented by ethnic conflicts. Cultural integration on a national scale remains an elusive goal in most African countries. But if there are a few countries on the continent which have achieved cultural integration, The Gambia is one them. It has, in fact, even achieved cultural fusion in some respects as we learn from this work which focuses on Africa's smallest country and its people. The work is intended to be a general introduction and may help members of the general public learn some basic facts about The Gambia which, because of its strategic location and other attributes, has earned distinction as a gateway to West Africa. People going to The Gambia may find this work to be useful. Students in various academic fields may also benefit from the interdisciplinary approach taken by the author in his study of this African country. It's comprehensive enough as an introductory work on the people of The Gambia and their ethnic identities and cultures.
Africans, African Americans and Afro-Caribbeans also known as West Indians, and how they relate to each other are the focus of this study. Tensions which exist between a significant number of Africans and Afro-Caribbeans in Britain - between Jamaicans and Nigerians and others - is one of the subjects addressed in the book. The author also looks at how members of these groups cooperate in a number of areas but concedes that even in the absence of overt - or covert - hostility between them there is indifference towards each other in many cases. There are many other subjects covered in the book about these communities including the impact of African independence on the civil rights movement in the United States. The author has focused on Britain and the United States. Both countries have large numbers of African and Afro-Caribbean (West Indian) immigrants.
The author, who lived and grew up under Nyerere's leadership, remembers how life was in those days in his home country of Tanganyika, later Tanzania. It is more than just a sentimental journey into the past. It is also an assessment of Nyerere's leadership and policies from the perspective of a former journalist. The author worked as a reporter at Tanzania's leading newspaper, "The Daily News," when Nyerere was president. Included in the book is one of the last interviews Nyerere gave not long before he died in which he reflected on his leadership and even on his student days at Makerere University College in Uganda and at Edinburgh University in Scotland. Also included is an interview with former Ugandan President Milton Obote in which he talked about Nyerere and failure of the East African federation.
Godfrey Mwakikagile looks at the major changes Africa has gone through since the end of colonial rule including some of the events he witnessed in his home country Tanganyika – later Tanzania – since the late 1950s, the dawn of a new era when Africa was headed towards independence. One of the fundamental changes he looks at took place in the 1990s when most countries across the continent gradually moved from authoritarian rule to democracy, although he contends that the gains made during that transitional period have not been consolidated and sustained through the years. The majority of Africans still live under one form of authoritarian rule or another including outright dictatorship.
The author shows the role played by Western governments and intelligence agencies in overthrowing Ghana's first president, Dr. Kwame Nkrumah. They worked together to weaken and undermine his government, and they facilitated the military coup which ended his rule. He has used declassified material including interviews with former American ambassadors to Ghana, as well as other sources, to document his study. He contends that the Ghanaian army and police officers who overthrew Nkrumah may not have succeeded, when they did, in ousting Nkrumah had Western powers, especially the United States, not been involved in the plot to oust him. They participated in planning the coup. But he also concedes that it is possible the Ghanaian coup makers would have, on their own, succeeded later in overthrowing Nkrumah. Major Akwasi Afrifa, one of the leaders of the February 1966 coup in which Nkrumah was ousted, planned twice – in 1962 and in 1964 – to overthrow Nkrumah but the plots were discovered by the security forces before they could be carried out. The author acknowledges that Nkrumah had enemies within and faced strong opposition to his rule. But he also contends that there was a concerted effort by Western powers, especially the United States, to overthrow Nkrumah that should not be overlooked when examining his downfall. They worked in collusion with his enemies within. But even if Nkrumah did not have enemies in Ghana, the United States and other Western powers still would have worked on plans to get rid of him because he was considered to be a threat to American and Western interests in Africa. The book includes photos. His forthcoming book, “Ghana after Nkrumah,” complements this work.
This book is more than just a study of ethnic politics in Kenya and Nigeria. The two countries are a microcosm of the entire continent: the problems it faces, its successes and failures, and the hope and despair of hundreds of millions of its people whose aspirations have been frustrated by decades of corrupt leadership that has skilfully exploited one of Africa's biggest weaknesses -- tribalism. But the people themselves are also responsible for that. They have allowed tribalism to flourish and destroy the countries. And they have allowed unscrupulous politicians to use and abuse them -- without storming the Bastille. What they are not responsible for is dictatorship African leaders instituted to perpetuate themselves in office by exploiting tribalism. These despots have been so good at it, and have done it for so long since independence, that many African countries are now on the brink of collapse, with the people at war against themselves.
This work focuses on the early years of independence and the problems African countries faced soon after the end of colonial rule. Many of those problems still exist today. They include poverty and underdevelopment; adoption of alien ideologies and economic and political systems; structural flaws of the modern African state and its institutions inherited at independence; nation-building, democratization, national integration, and ethnoregional rivalries among others. It is also a historical study of the continent since the partition of Africa by the imperial powers and of the struggle for independence. It also focuses on the continent's demographic composition, shedding some light on the complexity and diversity of the world's second largest continent. The history of Africa's indigenous peoples and their earliest contact with foreigners provides a background to this telescopic survey. The sixties was one of the most important decades in the history of Africa and this work provides a balanced perspective on those years when Africans celebrated the end of colonial rule on their continent. It is a compact study covering a vast expanse of territory from the advent of imperial rule to the attainment of sovereign status for African countries during the sixties and the problems they faced in those years. As a demographic portrait, it excels in depicting the continent as a tapestry that reflects the racial diversity and multiethnic composition of this vast land mass, the second largest after Asia. And as a historical and political analysis, it addresses some of the most important issues in the post-colonial era including the Cold War, with the Congo figuring prominently in the analysis as thefirst theatre of combat and super-power rivalry in the early sixties on the African continent. The dawn of freedom provided opportunities and challenges for the young African nations as they tried to modernize and consolidate their independence in a world dominated by major powers and contending ideologies. It was a rude awakening to the harsh realities of nationhood. One of these was the desire by the major powers to turn African countries into client states as the two ideological camps, East and West, competed for world domination. As Julius Nyerere warned, "We are not going to allow our friends to choose our enemies for us." One of the most contentious grounds for this hegemonic control was, of course, the Congo, right in the middle of the continent. It became the bleeding heart of Africa as the country was turned into a combat theatre mainly between the surrogate forces of the West and the Congolese nationalist forces supported by a number of African countries and by the Soviet Union and the People's Republic of China. The Congo imbroglio since the turbulent sixties mainly as a result of foreign intrigue and intervention is one of the most important subjects addressed in this book. And it raises serious questions that have profound implications even today for a continent mired in conflict; this time ignited by the Africans themselves in many - but not in all - cases. Yet, prospects for the world's poorest and most embattled continent are not bleak if Africans seek their own solutions to their own problems in this post-Cold War era of globalization dominated by the industrialized nations. The book includes many photos from the early sixties, the dawn of a new era when Africancountries won independence, which Oginga Odinga described as "Not Yet Uhuru.
This work focuses on the liberation struggle from the 1960s to the 1990s in the countries of southern Africa to end white minority rule. The author writes from personal experience. When the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) was formed in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, in May 1963, Tanganyika (now Tanzania) was chosen to be the headquarters of the OAU Liberation Committee. All the African liberation movements went on to open their offices in Tanzania's capital Dar es Salaam. Many refugees fleeing oppression in the countries of southern Africa also went to live in Tanzania. The author was a young news reporter in Dar es Salaam in the early seventies and got the chance to know some of the freedom fighters and their leaders who were based there during those days. He also interviewed a number of them and has provided an additional perspective to his work as a primary source of some of the material included in his book. It was one of the most important periods in the history of post-colonial Africa. Most countries on the continent had won independence by 1968. The toughest struggle was in the few strongholds of white minority rule in the southern part of the continent and in the Portuguese colony of Guinea-Bissau/Cape Verde in West Africa which finally ended in victory. As President Nyerere once said: "Throughout history, nationalist struggles have had one end: victory.
The author looks at Africa at the end of the twentieth century and the challenges the continent faces in the twentieth-first in terms of development, governance and conflict resolution. The author also re-examines the concepts of sovereignty and the nation-state and their relevance to Africa and proposes restructuring the modern African state to reflect African realities and accommodate conflicting interests - political, regional and ethnic, among others - to achieve and maintain peace and stability in the quest for development. He also looks at the highly centralised state and whether or not federalism - redefined to suit African conditions and incorporating traditional institutions of governance - provides a better alternative to centralised authority so typical of most countries across the continent. He proposes a new form of federalism which addresses problems arising from ethnicity and regionalism. He also contends that there is an imperative need for Africans to return to their roots in order to revive and use their traditional institutions and indigenous knowledge to achieve peace, justice, stability and progress in the 21st century instead of relying on imported ideologies which have done more harm than good to Africa and are not even modified to suit African conditions. Botswana stands out in that regard. It has used its traditional institutions very well, such as kgotla, in resolving conflicts and making community decisions on other matters on consensus basis. As the Tswana say, the highest form of war is dialogue. The author also looks at devolution as a means to achieve true democracy and as a tool in conflict management and resolution in countries where some groups, especially ethnoregional, feel they are marginalised by the central government dominated by a few individuals or rival ethnic groups. He also addresses regional integration versus secession and contends that although there may have been some secessionist movements in the post-colonial era which were justified - Katanga was not one of them, he maintains - the future of Africa lies not in secession but in regional integration and formation of federations. Africa has experienced both, integration and secession, and may still face secession in some parts of the continent in the future if the leaders involved do not address the grievances of their people, especially ethnic and regional groups which are marginalised. The author states that there may even be a need for another "Berlin conference," but this time one that is organised by the Africans themselves, and only for Africans, to redraw the map of Africa and resolve territorial and ethnoregional disputes and conflicts caused by the boundaries which were imposed on Africans by the imperial powers to suit their own interests, totally ignoring the indigenous people as if they did not even exist. The book also provides a theoretical framework for further research and rigorous analysis and for devising innovative solutions to Africa's multi-faceted problems although the author has avoided delving into abstract concepts since the purpose of his work is to involve everybody, not just academics, in finding solutions to the problems the continent will continue to face in the twentieth-first century.
Nyerere's economic policies, his successes and failures in pursuit of economic development under socialism, are some of the subjects addressed by the author in this book. A Tanzanian himself., he also looks at how life was under Nyerere since the sixties. The work is also a critical examination of the political situation in Tanzania since independence when the country was known as Tanganyika before uniting with Zanzibar. The author also looks at the transition that has taken place in Tanzania from one-party rule to multiparty democracy, and from socialism to capitalism since the collapse of the Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War. He also takes a critical look at globalization and the negative impact of structural adjustment programmes in Tanzania and Africa as a whole. The work is also a study of Tanzania's history since the advent of colonial rule and of the struggle for independence in one of Africa's largest countries.
This book is about Kenya as a country and as a nation. It is also a work of comparative analysis in the African context. It also focuses on the nation as an entity with its own personality and national character. Kenya is one of the most well-known countries in Africa for several reasons. It is one of the major tourist destinations in the world. It is, by African standards, one of the most developed countries on the continent. It also occupies a special place in the history of Africa because of the role it played in the struggle for independence. It was in Kenya where Mau Mau, an uprising against colonial injustices, was fought. Mau Mau was one of the bloodiest and most successful wars in colonial history, and it thrust Kenya into the international spotlight. It also earned the Mau Mau freedom fighters distinction as some of the most outstanding champions of freedom for Africans and as some of the most revered fighters in the struggle for African liberation from imperial rule. They are still remembered today not only as gallant fighters but as some of the pioneers of the African independence movement. Jomo Kenyatta himself, who was accused of leading Mau Mau and who later became the first president of Kenya, was one of the most respected African leaders and was revered as the Grand Old Man of the African independence movement. He cast a long shadow over Kenya and the rest of the continent and his formidable personality and legendary role as the leader of the independence movement also played a major role in thrusting his country on the international scene. Kenya is also the economic powerhouse of East Africa. It has the most developed and the strongest economy among all the countries which constitute the East African Community (EAC). They are Kenya, Uganda, Tanzania, Rwanda, and Burundi. It is, in fact, the most developed country in the entire region of Eastern Africa which includes the countries in the Horn of Africa: Somalia, Ethiopia, Eritrea, and Djibouti. This work is a general introduction to Kenya as a country and as a nation. Subjects covered include a short history of the country, its geography including administrative provinces and various ethnic groups in those provinces; Mau Mau and the struggle for independence; the early years of independence; political developments through the decades; the cultures of different ethnic groups; the country's natural resources and much more. Also addressed in the book is the country's ethnic diversity and the impact it has had on Kenya's stability as a country and as a nation composed of different ethnic and racial groups. The author also looks at Kenya's national character from his background as an East African himself from neighbouring Tanzania in a study of comparative analysis between Kenya and Tanzania as political entities with different national characters to demonstrate that nations do, indeed, have different national characters. This is an excellent introduction for those who want to learn about Kenya for the first time, and even for those who already know about Kenya but want to learn more about the country. Students and tourists alike will find this work to be very useful. And for those going to Kenya or anywhere else in East Africa for the first time as tourists, students, scholars or simply as travellers, the book will serve as an excellent source of information about life and different cultures and even about politics in contemporary times in one of the most dynamic countries on the African continent and which casts a shadow over the entire East African region; although the rest of the countries in the region have not been entirely eclipsed by their powerful neighbour.
Besides her natural beauty, the scenery and the climate, and her abundant wildlife and natural resources, Africa is probably best known as the homeland of hundreds of millions of people who live in abject poverty. Millions are wracked by disease and blinded by ignorance. And just as many go hungry every day. But there is something else which also distinguishes Africa: lack of unity among her people. That is one of the main reasons why they were conquered by foreigners, and why Africa is still weak and poor today. There is no other continent which is endowed with so much in terms of natural resources. But there is also no other continent where it has been so easy for foreigners to take what does not belong to them. This book began as a self-examination of the African personality in an attempt to understand Africa's place in the world, especially in relation to the West.
The Union of Tanganyika and Zanzibar which led to the establishment of Tanzania as a united republic was consummated at the height of the Cold War. After the Zanzibar revolution in January 1964, there were fears in the West that Zanzibar would become "another Cuba." And Western powers were determined to prevent that from happening. They felt that the revolution was communist-inspired and feared that if the leaders of Zanzibar consolidated their position, they would pose a threat to Western interests in the region because of their friendly ties to the Communist bloc. Americans and other Westerners also feared that if a communist regime stayed in power, it would pose an even bigger threat to Western geopolitical interests on the continent because the island nation would serve as a springboard or launching pad for communist penetration of Africa. It was during this period of bitter rivalry between the United States and the Communist bloc that the Union of Tanganyika and Zanzibar was formed. Was the United States - and Britain - behind the merger to contain Zanzibar and prevent it from becoming "another Cuba"? Was the union formed by the leaders of Tanganyika and Zanzibar, especially Julius Nyerere, on their own initiative in pursuit of African unity? Or did the interests of Western powers coincide with those of Nyerere and other leaders in Tanganyika and Zanzibar, creating favourable conditions for consummation of the union, thus satisfying all the parties involved? And would it have been formed had the Zanzibar revolution not taken place? Or would the two countries have united, anyway, even if no radical changes had occurred in the island nation as Nyerere and others contended? Those are some of the issues addressed in this book which also raises new questions about the union, the only one ever formed on the continent between independent states.
This book examines the modern African State as a fragile institution because of its structural flaws. It focuses on a number of African countries whose combined analyses provide a focal point for looking at the whole continent as one giant place with crumbling state institutions whose fragility threatens the very existence of several African countries. Even in rich African countries, peace and stability is threatened and rampant corruption and dictatorship. Nothing better demonstrates the weakness and cruelty of the modern African State than its willingness to instigate tribal violence in a number of African countries and its inability to contain such hostilities in many others. In an attempt to put such weakness in proper perspective, the author focuses on analyses of case studies, as the context for a better understanding of the modern African State, as the most dominant institution on the African continent.
The author looks at the interplay of forces at work when the union of Tanganyika and the island nation of Zanzibar was formed in April 1964: Cold War intrigues and rivalries; Pan-African solidarity and commitment to regional and continental unity among other factors. What role, if any, did the Cold War play in facilitating the merger of the two East African countries? Was it an African initiative by the nationalist leaders of Tanganyika and Zanzibar to unite the two countries? Did Pan-Africanism and pan-African solidarity play a primary or a minor role? Or was it the prime determinant? Other factors include fear of a communist regime which could have been established in Zanzibar after the revolution, turning the island nation into what the United States and other Western powers feared would be “the Cuba of Africa”; security concerns by Tanganyika if Zanzibar, so close to the mainland, were to have a hostile regime or became unstable, thus posing a threat to the mainland; fear by Zanzibari leaders especially President Abeid Karume who was worried that his political enemies, especially the Marxist-Leninist Abdulrahman Mohamed Babu, could oust him from power and the only way he could be secure would be by uniting his country with Tanganyika for protection by a bigger and more powerful neighbour. What role, if any, did all those factors play in the unification of the two countries? Why did Zanzibari leaders such as Kassim Hanga and even Abdulrahman Babu, well-known Marxist-Leninists, support the union with Tanganyika, knowing full well that it would deprive them of their power base in Zanzibar and thus make them “allies” of their enemies, the United States and other Western powers who encouraged the merger of the two countries to neutralise them to prevent them from establishing a communist regime in Zanzibar that would pose a threat to Western geopolitical and strategic interests in the region and in Africa as a whole? And why do the leaders of Tanzania mainland want to maintain the union at any cost although Zanzibar is an economic burden on the mainland? The book includes some declassified material and interviews with senior American diplomats who were in Tanganyika and Zanzibar when the merger of the two countries took place.
This work focuses on life under British colonial rule in Tanganyika and Southern Rhodesia. An African from Tanganyika, now Tanzania, shares his experiences. A British administrator who worked in colonial Tanganyika and in Southern Rhodesia also shares his. It is a work of shared memories although a generation apart – the British administrator being old enough to be a father to the African colonial subject who remembers not only the good times but also some of the injustices he and others suffered during that period. Both perspectives, complementing each other, shed some light on how life was in colonial Tanganyika for the indigenous people and for the British settlers and colonial rulers as well. It was a critical period in the history of Tanganyika and for the future of the country which came to be known as Tanzania after uniting with Zanzibar in 1964. It was also a critical period in the history of Southern Rhodesia which tragically descended into war only a few years later because of the injustices Africans suffered at the hands of their rulers: the white settlers who monopolised power. The work is also important in another respect. It is a primary source of information. The two individuals who have written about their experiences during those days were witnesses to history. They lived in those countries. They know what happened. And they have written about it for others to know how life was during some of the most critical years in the history of British colonial rule in Africa.
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