Prayer is a central aspect of religion. Even amongst those who have abandoned organized religion levels of prayer remain high. Yet the most basic questions remain unaddressed: What exactly is prayer? How does it vary? Why do people pray and in what situations and settings? Does prayer imply a god, and if so, what sort? A Sociology of Prayer addresses these fundamental questions and opens up important new debates. Drawing from religion, sociology of religion, anthropology, and historical perspectives, the contributors focus on prayer as a social as well as a personal matter and situate prayer in the conditions of complex late modern societies worldwide. Presenting fresh empirical data in relation to original theorising, the volume also examines the material aspects of prayer, including the objects, bodies, symbols, and spaces with which it may be integrally connected.
This book provides a sociological understanding of the phenomenon of exorcism and an analysis of the reasons for its contemporary re-emergence and impact on various communities. It argues that exorcism has become a religious commodity with the potential to strengthen a religion’s attraction to adherents, whilst also ensuring its hold. It shows that due to intense competition between religious groups in our multi-faith societies, religious groups are now competing for authority over the supernatural by ‘branding’ their particular type of exorcism ritual in order to validate the strength of their own belief system. Sociology of Exorcism in Late Modernity features a detailed case-study of a Catholic exorcist in the south of Europe who dealt with more than 1,000 cases during a decade of work.
In recent years, the relevance of religious freedom has spread well beyond academia, becoming a reference point for international relations, multi-level policy development, as well as interfaith negotiations. Meanwhile, scholarship on religious freedom has flourished on the boundaries of sociology, law, comparative politics, history, and theology. This book presents a systematic sociological analysis of religious freedom, bringing together classical sociological theories and empirical perspectives developed during the last three decades. It addresses three major questions involved in any sociology of religious freedom. First: considering its complex and controversial nature, how can religious freedom be defined? Second: what are the recurrent sociological conditions and relevant social perceptions that will foster an understanding of religious freedom in varying political, legal, and socioreligious contexts? And third, what are the mechanisms of social implementation of religious freedom that contribute to making it a fundamental value in a society? Olga Breskaya, Giuseppe Giordan, and James T. Richardson suggest that a sociological definition of religious freedom requires us to take into account historical, philosophical, legal, religious, and political considerations of a given society-and that the social dimensions of religious freedom are as important as the legal ones.
In recent years, the relevance of religious freedom has spread well beyond academia, becoming a reference point for international relations, multi-level policy development, as well as interfaith negotiations. Meanwhile, scholarship on religious freedom has flourished on the boundaries of sociology, law, comparative politics, history, and theology. This book presents a systematic sociological analysis of religious freedom, bringing together classical sociological theories and empirical perspectives developed during the last three decades. It addresses three major questions involved in any sociology of religious freedom. First: considering its complex and controversial nature, how can religious freedom be defined? Second: what are the recurrent sociological conditions and relevant social perceptions that will foster an understanding of religious freedom in varying political, legal, and socioreligious contexts? And third, what are the mechanisms of social implementation of religious freedom that contribute to making it a fundamental value in a society? Olga Breskaya, Giuseppe Giordan, and James T. Richardson suggest that a sociological definition of religious freedom requires us to take into account historical, philosophical, legal, religious, and political considerations of a given society-and that the social dimensions of religious freedom are as important as the legal ones.
Prayer is a central aspect of religion. Even amongst those who have abandoned organized religion levels of prayer remain high. Yet the most basic questions remain unaddressed: What exactly is prayer? How does it vary? Why do people pray and in what situations and settings? Does prayer imply a god, and if so, what sort? A Sociology of Prayer addresses these fundamental questions and opens up important new debates. Drawing from religion, sociology of religion, anthropology, and historical perspectives, the contributors focus on prayer as a social as well as a personal matter and situate prayer in the conditions of complex late modern societies worldwide. Presenting fresh empirical data in relation to original theorising, the volume also examines the material aspects of prayer, including the objects, bodies, symbols, and spaces with which it may be integrally connected.
This book provides a sociological understanding of the phenomenon of exorcism and an analysis of the reasons for its contemporary re-emergence and impact on various communities. It argues that exorcism has become a religious commodity with the potential to strengthen a religion’s attraction to adherents, whilst also ensuring its hold. It shows that due to intense competition between religious groups in our multi-faith societies, religious groups are now competing for authority over the supernatural by ‘branding’ their particular type of exorcism ritual in order to validate the strength of their own belief system. Sociology of Exorcism in Late Modernity features a detailed case-study of a Catholic exorcist in the south of Europe who dealt with more than 1,000 cases during a decade of work.
The sociology of spirituality continues to highlight new socio-religious phenomena rooted in cultural revolutions in the modes of spiritual seeking (Wuthnow 1998), holistic milieux (Heelas and Woodhead 2005), and a ‘democratization of the sacred’ or restructuring of ways of legitimizing relating to the sacred (Giordan 2016). This ‘spiritual perspective’ brought new sociological insights into the analysis of the relationship with the sacred in two ways. First, it coupled the sacred to a subjective turn, locating the sacred in individual experiences in holistic milieux and radically proclaiming the sacralization of self-authority. Second, the theoretical focus on the spiritual turn and recent empirical studies on the religiosity/spirituality divide raised new questions for the sociological understanding of the sacred with elaborated theories of religious rituals, religious experience, or intrinsic religiosity (Durkheim 1960, Otto 1936, Simmel 1997), all needing inquiry into the sociological ambiguities of the sacred and the secular. The recent focus on the relationship between spirituality and the sacred (Heelas 2008, Voas and Bruce 2007, Versteeg 2007) evolved with the growing interest in the changing forms of religious life characterized by the global cultural trends of consumerism, pluralism, and individualism in the societies of modernity or postmodernity. New sociological arguments for the secularization thesis also drew attention. A recent plea appeared after the theoretical overview of empirical studies about spirituality, discerning theistic and holistic spiritualties with their different attitudes towards the sacred. Versteeg explains that theistic spirituality highlights an ‘external sacred’ for the individual, while the holistic type features a “connectedness to a sacred whole” (Versteeg 2007: 102). He notes that this distinction resembles the definitions of religion and spirituality introduced in the Kendall Project report by Heelas and Woodhead (2005). This allowed Voas and Bruce to defend the secularization thesis anew: if spirituality consists of “subjective-life forms of the sacred which emphasize inner sources of significance and authority and the cultivation of sacralization of unique subjective lives” (Voas and Bruce 2007: 44), it brings new “symptom of secularization, not a durable counterforce to it” (Voas and Bruce 2007: 43). The uncertainty of holistic spirituality practitioners in defining their experiences in terms of spirituality, and the distancing of holistic spirituality from theistic spirituality make it reasonable for sociologists to return to classical theories of the sacred that emphasized its ambiguous nature.
Published in Sociologia n.1/2018 - Rivista quadrimestrale di Scienze Storiche e Sociali dell'Istituto Luigi Sturzo, diretta da Andrea Bixio | The United Nations “Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women” (CEDAW) is a distinct international treaty for its integral character and radical provisions. It is integral in a sense of bonding together various spheres of women’s private and public life and not separating civil and political with economic, social, and cultural rights. It is radical by the requirement to change traditional gender roles in society in order to eradicate women’s inequality globally. Also, it could be considered as a particular treaty for not addressing religious freedom issues or even mentioning the concept of religion. The argument of Whiting and Evans (2006) that it is due to “the caution surrounding religious issues in the international sphere” (Whiting, Evans 2006: 12) the CEDAW does not deal directly with the religion, partly explains the absence of reference to the concept of religion and its derivations in the text of the treaty. The argument of Sullivan (1992) that conflicts and tensions between women’s rights and religious rights “set tenets of equality against values of liberty” (Sullivan 1992: 796) establishes other reasoning for neglecting religious rights and concepts in CEDAW. It raises the problem of “competing human rights values” (Sullivan 1992: 796) and absence of consensus in the international community on rights hierarchy. The first aim of this article is to briefly analyze the structural composition of the CEDAW with the attempt to rediscover the implicit presence of religion in the text of the treaty. Secondly, we examine the specific provisions of CEDAW which caused religious reservations by the State parties, considering zones of junction and tension between religion and women’s equality and socio-religious structural elements formulated in the reservations. Thirdly, the selected periodic reports of reserving states (on the examples of Egypt and Oman) together with the three periodic reports of Norway (as objecting state) are presented along with the new socio-religious dynamics emerging between CEDAW provisions and religion.
This will help us customize your experience to showcase the most relevant content to your age group
Please select from below
Login
Not registered?
Sign up
Already registered?
Success – Your message will goes here
We'd love to hear from you!
Thank you for visiting our website. Would you like to provide feedback on how we could improve your experience?
This site does not use any third party cookies with one exception — it uses cookies from Google to deliver its services and to analyze traffic.Learn More.