Meet the caricatures: • Mutt Romnoid: The Panderer - A robot candidate without a personality or character • Snoot Gingrich: The Professor - An intellectually dishonest candidate of kooky ideas with hefty baggage to match his girth • P.Rick Perry: The Clown - A Yee-haw candidate without a clue • Michele Babblethump: The Loony - Ms. Crazy Eyes who passionately defends Supply Side economics as the second coming of the savior • Run Paul: The Radical - A perpetual candidate whose rabid supporters almost make him seem sane • Herman Lametrain Pizza: The Victim - Undone by unsubstantiated rumors circulated by former mistresses and the lamestream media. • Donald Dump: The ego-maniac whose public pronouncements are as absurd as his hair • Saint Sarah: The babbling ex-beauty queen who can't seem to finish anything including her run-on sentences • George B. Wush: The Has - Been whose 8 years in office are today recognized by historians as the low point in American history. It's all part of the Wacky World of Republican Politics. Read:• Snoot Gangrene's: New Contract on America • A special paid political advertisement by the Daft Saint Sarah for President committee. ... and join us for the Repugnicant National Unconvention, August 31-September 2, 2011 on college campuses across the U.S.A.
In his provocative and compelling new book, America’s most widely read and most influential commentator casts his gimlet eye on our singular nation. Moving far beyond the strict confines of politics, George F. Will offers a fascinating look at the people, stories, and events–often unheralded–that make the American drama so endlessly entertaining and instructive. With Will’s signature erudition and wry wit always on display, One Man’s America chronicles a spectacular, eclectic procession of figures who have shaped our cultural landscape–from Playboy founder Hugh Hefner to National Review founder William F. Buckley Jr., from Victorian poet Henry Wadsworth Longfellow to Beat poet Lawrence Ferlinghetti, from cotton picker— turned—country singer Buck Owens to actor-turned-president Ronald Reagan. Will crisscrosses the country to illuminate what it is that makes America distinctive. He visits the USS Arizona memorial in Pearl Harbor and ponders its enduring links to the present. He travels to Milwaukee to celebrate the hundredth anniversary of an iconic brand, Harley-Davidson. In Los Angeles he finds the inspiring future of education, while in New York he confronts the dispiriting didacticism of the avant-garde. He ventures to the Civil War battlefields of Virginia to explore what we risk when we efface our own history. And on the outskirts of Chicago he investigates one of the darkest chapters in American history, only to discover a shining example of resilience and grace–the best the country has to offer. Will’s wide lens takes in much more as well–everything from the “most emblematic novel of the 1930s” (and no, it is not about the Joads) to the cult of ESPN to Brooks Brothers and Ben & Jerry’s. And of course, One Man’s America would not be complete without the author’s insights on the national pastime, baseball–the icons and the cheats, the hapless and the greats. Finally, in a personal and reflective turn, Will writes movingly of his thirty-five-year-old son Jon, born with Down syndrome, and pays loving and poignant tribute to his mother, who died at the age of ninety-eight after a long struggle with dementia. The essays in One Man’s America, even when critiquing American culture, reflect Will’s deep affection and regard for our nation. After all, he notes, when America falls short, it does so only as compared to “the uniquely high standards it has set for itself.” In the end, this brilliantly informative and entertaining book reminds us of the enduring value of “the simple virtues and decencies that can make communities flourish and that have made America great and exemplary.”
George F. Will purports that the proper goals of statecraft, are justice, social cohesion, and national strength. Therefore, he urges the development of a "conservatism with a kindly face," capable of respecting private enterprise and at the same time espousing "an affirmative doctrine of the welfare state," which Will sees as "an embodiment of the wholesome ethic of common provision." Proper government involves the cultivation of good character in citizens. This is what is meant by statecraft as soulcraft.
In his seventh collection, Will examines more than five years of his observations on politics, the economy, justice, international relations, and, not least, the death of Princess Diana--a brilliantly diverse collection from an extraordinarily diverting mind.
While the author’s previous book on the matter, Exploring the Illusion of Free Will, Second Edition, is a popular work, this brief discourse is decidedly and robustly academic. It will doubtlessly prove inaccessible to many physical and social science professors who are, as evident by the profusion of elementally flawed free will defenses published by major peer-reviewed journals, far more adept at learning, communicating and applying concepts and principles than at understanding their fundamental nature. The book focuses exclusively on the physical refutation of the free will construct, concurrently addressing claims that because we are human, our choices are somehow exempt from physical law. It also delves deeply into quantum mechanical principles and phenomena relevant to the free will question, siding with Einstein, Bohm, Hawking, Krauss and others regarding the causal nature of both the macro and quantum world. The refutations presented hopefully describe the physical evidence against free will with sufficient strength and clarity to win over more hitherto agnostic minds than have earlier attempts by other authors. The book's original contributions to the literature on human agency are that it presents an a priori argument for the causality that refutes free will, and that it not only challenges recent published warnings of dangerous repercussions from abandoning belief in free will, it presents a convincing argument for humanity evolving beyond a notion of free choice that seems the catalyst for more harm than good. The author presents evidence associating the psychological defense mechanism known as "denial" with free will belief, and proposes that a belief in human autonomy's correlate of fundamental moral responsibility amplifies the widespread denial of the existence and anthropogenic origin of a climate change crisis that, unless successfully mitigated, many prominent scientists fear poses a serious threat to the civilization we know. The hard physical evidence prohibiting free will, and the arguments suggesting a serious downside to maintaining the belief, will hopefully inspire a long-overdue exploration of the implications of acknowledging that we live in a world in which we, as humans, have fundamentally no control. Such an investigation is clearly akin to our formulating a categorically new, and distinctly evolved, understanding of who we are, and of what our essential collective experience is, as a human species.
The Pulitzer Prize-winning columnist's "astonishing" and "enthralling" New York Times bestseller and Notable Book about how the Founders' belief in natural rights created a great American political tradition (Booklist) -- "easily one of the best books on American Conservatism ever written" (Jonah Goldberg). For more than four decades, George F. Will has attempted to discern the principles of the Western political tradition and apply them to America's civic life. Today, the stakes could hardly be higher. Vital questions about the nature of man, of rights, of equality, of majority rule are bubbling just beneath the surface of daily events in America. The Founders' vision, articulated first in the Declaration of Independence and carried out in the Constitution, gave the new republic a framework for government unique in world history. Their beliefs in natural rights, limited government, religious freedom, and in human virtue and dignity ushered in two centuries of American prosperity. Now, as Will shows, conservatism is under threat -- both from progressives and elements inside the Republican Party. America has become an administrative state, while destructive trends have overtaken family life and higher education. Semi-autonomous executive agencies wield essentially unaccountable power. Congress has failed in its duty to exercise its legislative powers. And the executive branch has slipped the Constitution's leash. In the intellectual battle between the vision of Founding Fathers like James Madison, who advanced the notion of natural rights that pre-exist government, and the progressivism advanced by Woodrow Wilson, the Founders have been losing. It's time to reverse America's political fortunes. Expansive, intellectually thrilling, and written with the erudite wit that has made Will beloved by millions of readers, The Conservative Sensibility is an extraordinary new book from one of America's most celebrated political writers.
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George Washington (February 22, 1732]– December 14, 1799) was the first President of the United States (1789–1797), the Commander-in-Chief of the Continental Army during the American Revolutionary War, and one of the Founding Fathers of the United States. He presided over the convention that drafted the United States Constitution, which replaced the Articles of Confederation and remains the supreme law of the land.Washington was elected president as the unanimous choice of the electors in the elections of both 1788–1789 and 1792. He oversaw the creation of a strong, well-financed national government that maintained neutrality in the wars raging in Europe, suppressed rebellion, and won acceptance among Americans of all types. His leadership style established many forms and rituals of government that have been used since, such as using a cabinet system and delivering an inaugural address. Further, his retirement after two terms and the peaceful transition from his presidency to that of John Adams established a tradition that continues today. Washington was hailed as "father of his country" even during his lifetime.Washington was born into the provincial gentry of Colonial Virginia; his wealthy planter family owned tobacco plantations and slaves. After both his father and older brother died when he was young, Washington became personally and professionally attached to the powerful William Fairfax, who promoted his career as a surveyor and soldier. Washington quickly became a senior officer in the colonial forces during the first stages of the French and Indian War. Chosen by the Second Continental Congress in 1775 to be commander-in-chief of the Continental Army in the American Revolution, Washington managed to force the British out of Boston in 1776, but was defeated and almost captured later that year when he lost New York City. After crossing the Delaware River in the dead of winter, he defeated the British in two battles, retook New Jersey and restored momentum to the Patriot cause.Because of his strategy, Revolutionary forces captured two major British armies at Saratoga in 1777 and Yorktown in 1781. Historians laud Washington for his selection and supervision of his generals, encouragement of morale and ability to hold together the army, coordination with the state governors and state militia units, relations with Congress and attention to supplies, logistics, and training. In battle, however, Washington was repeatedly outmaneuvered by British generals with larger armies. After victory had been finalized in 1783, Washington resigned as Commander-in-chief rather than seize power, proving his opposition to dictatorship and his commitment to American republicanism.that devised a new Federal government of the United States. Elected unanimously as the first President of the United States in 1789, he attempted to bring rival factions together to unify the nation. He supported Alexander Hamilton's programs to pay off all state and national debt, to implement an effective tax system and to create a national bank (despite opposition from Thomas Jefferson).
Already frustrated with the socialism that is seeping into their lives, Adam and his wife Allie are forced to deal with a newly-established health care system that threatens to take from them what they cherish the most. In another part of the world, Roy, an army sergeant fed up with the corruption in Washington, is fighting for America's freedom. At the same time, far away in his ivory tower, the president is fashioning socialist policies that threaten the American way of life. This is the world of Alex George's "Revolt Rising." Told in a style that is immediate and heart-wrenching, "Revolt Rising" follows the story of average citizens who are desperately trying to keep their eyes on the American dream. As it seems to pull further away from them, they find themselves raging against the leaders of the very nation they love so dearly. Rage eventually turns to revolt. After banding together with like-minded men, Adam and his army of freedom fighters find themselves in the heart of a battle that will determine America's future. What will the outcome be? George will keep you guessing (and hoping) to the very last page.
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