The memoirs of Franz von Papen offer a fascinating view of the German Hierarchy from the reign of the last Kaiser to the reign of terror of Adolf Hitler. Although there is an element of self-justification, Conservative von Papen lays bare the machinations of the German politicians that led to Hitler to supreme power in Germany. Born into a wealthy, but not aristocratic, family in 1879 von Papen he started his career in the Imperial German Army rising to the General Staff and a diplomatic posting in America by 1914. He was involved in some very murky dealings as an intriguer behind the scenes in America, Canada before he was sent back to Germany, setting a precedent for later backroom dealings. After the close of the First World War he entered politics, as a Conservative Monarchist member of the Centre party, in the political chaos of the period he advanced swiftly owing to shrewd interparty dealings. He was eventually appointed Chancellor in 1932 mainly due to political friendships rather than his own political acumen; beset by huge political problems he sought to appease the vocal right wing parties. Without serious support in the Reichstag, von Papen governed by decree undermining Democracy, starting a process mastered later by Hitler himself. Outmaneuvered by Hitler and the Nazis he was forced from power, and by his foolish machinations set Hitler set up as Chancellor. Cast out of power von Papen was a broken reed, but as a still high-ranking observer to the Second World his memoirs are of vital importance in understanding Hitler’s war-mongering advances into Austria, Poland and France. He was captured by U.S. forces in 1945, he was put on trial for war crimes but was acquitted.
The memoirs of Franz von Papen offer a fascinating view of the German Hierarchy from the reign of the last Kaiser to the reign of terror of Adolf Hitler. Although there is an element of self-justification, Conservative von Papen lays bare the machinations of the German politicians that led to Hitler to supreme power in Germany. Born into a wealthy, but not aristocratic, family in 1879 von Papen he started his career in the Imperial German Army rising to the General Staff and a diplomatic posting in America by 1914. He was involved in some very murky dealings as an intriguer behind the scenes in America, Canada before he was sent back to Germany, setting a precedent for later backroom dealings. After the close of the First World War he entered politics, as a Conservative Monarchist member of the Centre party, in the political chaos of the period he advanced swiftly owing to shrewd interparty dealings. He was eventually appointed Chancellor in 1932 mainly due to political friendships rather than his own political acumen; beset by huge political problems he sought to appease the vocal right wing parties. Without serious support in the Reichstag, von Papen governed by decree undermining Democracy, starting a process mastered later by Hitler himself. Outmaneuvered by Hitler and the Nazis he was forced from power, and by his foolish machinations set Hitler set up as Chancellor. Cast out of power von Papen was a broken reed, but as a still high-ranking observer to the Second World his memoirs are of vital importance in understanding Hitler’s war-mongering advances into Austria, Poland and France. He was captured by U.S. forces in 1945, he was put on trial for war crimes but was acquitted.
Men engaged in Intelligence Services during a war divide their particular opponents into two classes. One consists of neutrals who go out of their way to help the enemy for the sake of gain; and for such men we have not much compassion should they fall upon misfortune. They are interfering in great matters with which they are not concerned, in order to make a little money. The other class is made up of men who, abandoning the opportunities of their own careers, go secretly away in the sacred service of their country, play a lone hand, and run the gauntlet of foreign laws. For such we can have nothing but respect while the fight is going on and friendship when it is over. Captain Franz von Rintelen belongs to this latter class. A young naval officer with every likelihood of reaching to high rank, he went abroad in 1915 and only saw his own country again after the lapse of six strenuous and, in part, unhappy years. The history of those years is told in this book. The conversations which he records depend, of course, upon his memory; the main facts we are able to check, and we know them to be exact. The book is written, as one would expect from his record, without the least rancour, and I think I am not trenching upon the province of criticism when I add—with admirable simplicity. It is a record which is more detailed and concerned with endeavours on a vastly wider scale than is usual in such accounts. One cannot, I think, read it without recognising, apart from the magnitude of the things attempted and done, the terrific strain under which he lived; and this gives a moving and human quality to the narrative which sets it a little apart from any other which I have read. Those who are most saturated in spy stories will find much to surprise them in this volume, and they will not be likely to forget the poignant minutes which he spent on the top of an omnibus in London and the way in which those minutes ended. Finally, here is as good an argument against War as a man could find in twenty volumes devoted to that subject alone.
Follow-up to the 1933 publication The Dark Invader, an autobiographical account of Captain von Rintelen’s experiences as a sabotage agent in the United States of America during World War I. Rintelen had been the chief figure in that work, which had ramifications and results far beyond the knowledge of the general public, and which had been as dangerous a task as any entrusted to a man during the War. The War ended in 1918, but it was not until 1921 that Rintelen was freed. He returned to Germany to find his country, which, when he had left it, had been in the full pride of its nationhood, rapidly dissolving into the chaos that reached its height in 1932. In such a Germany there was no room for this naval officer, or for any representative of the régime that had fallen from public grace. The story of Rintelen’s return is one of the dramatic episodes of the post-war period. It forms a part of the manuscript that makes this book. But the manuscript has a greater interest than this personal one. Much of the secret history of the growth of the new Germany is here told for the first time. It is a story of intrigue and treachery on the one hand, and on the other, of an amazing loyalty and implicit patriotism. The story of The Dark Invader ended when he left the grey walls of the Atlanta Penitentiary behind him. The account of his return begins with the sight of the deserted docks and shipyards of Bremerhaven. How it ends Captain von Rintelen himself tells.
First published in 1987. The legal and political writings of the German Social Democrats Kirchheimer and Neumann, from the period prior to the National Socialist seizure of power, are little known to English readers. This volume presents a selection of important essays from this period, which focus on the prospects for the constitutional realization of a social democratic order in the first German Republic - the Weimar Republic, created out of the collapse of the monarchy in 1918, and destroyed by the National Socialists in 1933. Both Kirchheimer and Neumann were active as lawyers in the later 1920s and early 1930s, the latter especially having a close connection with trade union legislation and labour law. From their viewpoint as Social Democrats and lawyers they present incisive analyses of the problems confronted by the attempt to realize the ideal of a social Rechtsstaat in a political environment increasingly dominated by forces on left and right which saw constitutional order only as a means to seize power, and not as a legitimate form of order in itself. In these circumstances, political issues translated into constitutional issues, and thus could be analysed in terms of the aims and objectives of a given constitutional order. A substantial introduction by the volume’s editor, Keith Tribe, presents the political and theoretical background to these essays, which range over questions of industrial democracy, political representation, parliamentary rule and the role of judicial review. These issues are once more on the political agenda of Western industrial democracies, and the analyses of Kirchheimer and Neumann have lost none of their force and relevance, despite the catastrophic ‘failure’ of Weimar democracy in 1933.
Neumann was one of the only early Frankfurt School thinkers to examine seriously the problem of political institutions. After the rise of the Nazis to power, his emphasis shifted to an analysis of economic power, and then after the war to political psychology. His insights into the structure of the Nazi state have to some extent been eclipsed by their own success: subsequent research on the Nazi period has tended to absorb the lessons of Neumann's study while often losing sight of their subtlety and originality. He suggested that the Nazi organization of society involved the collapse of traditional ideas of the state, of ideology, of law, and even of any underlying nationality. Behemoth is so important that it must be "studied, not simply read," Raul Hilbert wrote." "Peter Hayes's Introduction offers biographical background on Neumann and sets his book in the context of studies of Nazism, pointing out its shortcomings as well as its accomplishments." --Book Jacket.
The introductory volume to the Franz Boas Papers: Documentary Edition, which examines Boas' stature as public intellectual in three crucial dimensions: theory, ethnography and activism"--
A groundbreaking book that gathers key wartime intelligence reports During the Second World War, three prominent members of the Frankfurt School—Franz Neumann, Herbert Marcuse, and Otto Kirchheimer—worked as intelligence analysts for the Office of Strategic Services, the wartime forerunner of the CIA. This book brings together their most important intelligence reports on Nazi Germany, most of them published here for the first time. These reports provide a fresh perspective on Hitler's regime and the Second World War, and a fascinating window on Frankfurt School critical theory. They develop a detailed analysis of Nazism as a social and economic system and the role of anti-Semitism in Nazism, as well as a coherent plan for the reconstruction of postwar Germany as a democratic political system with a socialist economy. These reports played a significant role in the development of postwar Allied policy, including denazification and the preparation of the Nuremberg Trials. They also reveal how wartime intelligence analysis shaped the intellectual agendas of these three important German-Jewish scholars who fled Nazi persecution prior to the war. Secret Reports on Nazi Germany features a foreword by Raymond Geuss as well as a comprehensive general introduction by Raffaele Laudani that puts these writings in historical and intellectual context.
The Age of Coal describes the enormous contribution of coal to the history of Europe over the last 250 years and how it helped to transform the way we live, transforming industrialisation; transport; home life; organic chemistry; international relations; the labour market and labour organization; as well as the vast environmental impact.
Men engaged in Intelligence Services during a war divide their particular opponents into two classes. One consists of neutrals who go out of their way to help the enemy for the sake of gain; and for such men we have not much compassion should they fall upon misfortune. They are interfering in great matters with which they are not concerned, in order to make a little money. The other class is made up of men who, abandoning the opportunities of their own careers, go secretly away in the sacred service of their country, play a lone hand, and run the gauntlet of foreign laws. For such we can have nothing but respect while the fight is going on and friendship when it is over. Captain Franz von Rintelen belongs to this latter class. A young naval officer with every likelihood of reaching to high rank, he went abroad in 1915 and only saw his own country again after the lapse of six strenuous and, in part, unhappy years. The history of those years is told in this book. The conversations which he records depend, of course, upon his memory; the main facts we are able to check, and we know them to be exact. The book is written, as one would expect from his record, without the least rancour, and I think I am not trenching upon the province of criticism when I add—with admirable simplicity. It is a record which is more detailed and concerned with endeavours on a vastly wider scale than is usual in such accounts. One cannot, I think, read it without recognising, apart from the magnitude of the things attempted and done, the terrific strain under which he lived; and this gives a moving and human quality to the narrative which sets it a little apart from any other which I have read. Those who are most saturated in spy stories will find much to surprise them in this volume, and they will not be likely to forget the poignant minutes which he spent on the top of an omnibus in London and the way in which those minutes ended. Finally, here is as good an argument against War as a man could find in twenty volumes devoted to that subject alone.
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