Analyzing the economic, strategic, and cultural elements that shape the attraction--and the friction--between the Pacific and Atlantic communities, this book integrates European perspectives into a discussion that has traditionally been dominated by Asian and U.S. voices. The authors take as their theme the uncertainty created by the Pacific Rim’s new role in shifting the international balances of political and economic power. Economic uncertainty has been fueled by Asia’s trade surpluses with Western Europe and the United States, with the West viewing its system of free world trade as working to the greater advantage of the Asia Pacific. Strategic uncertainty pivots on the U.S.-USSR superpower rivalry and on the growing influence of Japan and the PRC on the strategic balance in the Pacific Basin. A more subtle and powerful constraint surfaces in the realm of culture--in differing perceptions among the people of the Asia Pacific and the West concerning liberal values and the liberal underpinnings of the present system of world trade.
The collapse of the totalitarian system and the disintegration of the Soviet Union took the West by complete surprise. For many years Western cooperation and West European integration proceeded on the assumption that the division of Europe and Germany would be there to stay. As a consequence, the Western states are now having great difficulties in adapting their cooperative arrangements to the challenges of a new European environment, and in coping with the political problems that had been swept under the carpet for the sake of preserving bipolar stability'. In his new book, Alting von Geusau offers a fresh and timely analysis of Western cooperation from a post-totalitarian perspective. He reminds the reader of America's involvement and the tragic consequences of the two world wars. He explains why the order of Yalta' was a myth and how the Soviet designs for Europe were ultimately defeated by civil resistance. Post-war American leadership created the free space for the remarkable growth of Western organisations and the dynamics of European integration. American and French policies of containment are reexamined for the same post-totalitarian perspective... and found in need to adapt to the new realities. In two final chapters, the author carefully reviews the agreements reached in the principal Western and European organizations between November 1989 and January 1992 with a view to adapting their tasks to the new Europe. He also underlines the emerging importance of a new partnership between the United States and united Germany. Combining historical, legal and political analysis, this new title is an important source of reference and a highly useful textbook for advanced students inEuropean organization and Western cooperation. In addition it will be especially useful to training programmes for scholars, students and diplomats from East and Central Europe and the republics of the former Soviet Union.
This is the fifth and last volume in the series "Footprints of the Twentieth Century", a critical assessment of the state of the law of nations. In the twenty first century the world needs true global law anchored in the dignity of the human person rather than weak international law built on the interests of major sovereign states. One hundred years after the outbreak of the Great or First World War in 1914 and twenty five years after the peaceful end of the Cold War in 1989, little appears to have been learnt - from the scale of disasters that befell the world between the assassination in Sarajevo in 1914 and the annexation of Sebastopol in 2014. The failure to learn from history largely comes from various ideologies of progress, enlightenment ideology in particular. The birth of modern international law, assumed to have taken place in 1648, was no moment of progress, nor was the Congress of Vienna in 1815. The peace of Westphalia reduced the law of nations to interstate law. Vienna legitimized the concept of demarcated linear boundaries. Decisions on war and peace needed no deeper justification than raison d'état as stated by the sovereign. Law-making was reserved to a few major powers. The so-called principle of the balance of power concealed policies of aggrandizement and domination. The leaders of all five major powers in Europe are to be held responsible for the outbreak of war in 1914. The entry into force of the Statute of the International Criminal Court in 2002, might be a first step towards international criminal justice for all and not just for the losers.
Håndbog i vesteuropæisk sikkerheds- og forsvarspolitik til brug på amerikanske universiteter. Indeholder emner vedr. internationale relationer, især af politisk og statsretslig karakter.
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