THE DISTINCTION BETWEEN "POLITICS" AND "ADMINISTRATION" According to Goodnow, politics is concerned with policy and other expressions of state will. Administration is concerned with the faithful execution of enacted legislation. He observes that administration has a tendency to overstep this boundary and concedes that politics must therefore monitor administration to keep it in line with the state's will. Reprint of first edition. "From both the legal and historical standpoint the book contains many things that are richly suggestive. There is very little in our legal or political literature so penetrating as for example the exposition of the effects of confinement of the principle of separation of powers to the central government. (...) It is not written for the legal profession directly, but to those lawyers who seek more than a working tool in their profession, a true appraisement of the administrative law, it will appeal. The writing of such a work moreover is a signal public service." --6 Columbia Law Review (1906) 133 While a member of the Columbia faculty, FRANK J. GOODNOW [1859-1939] was the first individual in the United States to hold a professorship in administrative law. He became the first president of the American Political Science Association, which offers an annual award in his name, and was president of Johns Hopkins University from 1915-1929.
The conventional model for explaining the uniqueness of American democracy is its division between executive, legislative, and judicial functions. It was the great contribution of Frank J. Goodnow to codify a less obvious, but no less profound element: the distinction between politics and policies, principles and operations. He showed how the United States went beyond a nation based on government by gentlemen and then one based on the spoils system brought about by the Jacksonian revolt against the Eastern Establishment, into a government that separated political officials from civil administrators. Goodnow contends that the civil service reformers persuasively argued that the separation of administration from politics, far from destroying the democratic links with the people, actually served to enhance democracy. While John Rohr, in his outstanding new introduction carefully notes loopholes in the theoretical scaffold of Goodnow's argument, he is also careful to express his appreciation of the pragmatic ground for this new sense of government as needing a partnership of the elected and the appointed. Goodnow was profoundly influenced by European currents, especially the Hegelian. As a result, the work aims at a political philosophy meant to move considerably beyond the purely pragmatic needs of government. For it was the relationships, the need for national unity in a country that was devised to account for and accommodate pluralism and diversity, that attracted Goodnow's legal background and normative impulses alike. That issues of legitimacy and power distribution were never entirely resolved by Goodnow does not alter the fact that this is perhaps the most important work, along with that of James Bryce, to emerge from this formative period to connect processes of governance with systems of democracy. Frank J. Goodnow, until his death, served as professor of administrative law at Columbia University. He is considered the founder of the field of public administration by leading political scientists such as Samuel C. Patterson and others. John A. Rohr is professor of public administration at Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University in Blacksburg, Virginia. He is the author of seven books and over one hundred articles and reviews. These include, Ethics for Bureaucrats: An Essay on Law and Values, and To Run a Constitution.
Reprint of the first edition. Volume I: Organization. Volume II: Legal Relations. Referring to this book in One Hundred Years of Administrative Law (1937), Arthur Vanderbilt wrote that "Goodnow was the first to perceive the peculiar significance for the study of administrative law of the comparative method as applied to the administrative systems of France, Germany, England and the United States, which, although involving common problems, also present sharp contrasts at many vital points" (I:120-121). While a member of the Columbia faculty, FRANK J. GOODNOW [1859-1939] was the first individual in the United States to hold a professorship in administrative law. He became the first president of the American Political Science Association, which offers an annual award in his name. He was president of Johns Hopkins University from 1915-1929.
This title is part of UC Press's Voices Revived program, which commemorates University of California Press’s mission to seek out and cultivate the brightest minds and give them voice, reach, and impact. Drawing on a backlist dating to 1893, Voices Revived makes high-quality, peer-reviewed scholarship accessible once again using print-on-demand technology. This title was originally published in 1950.
In 1949 Mao Zedong hoisted the red flag over Beijing's Forbidden City. Instead of liberating the country, the communists destroyed the old order and replaced it with a repressive system that would dominate every aspect of Chinese life. In an epic of revolution and violence which draws on newly opened party archives, interviews and memoirs, Frank Dik�tter interweaves the stories of millions of ordinary people with the brutal politics of Mao's court. A gripping account of how people from all walks of life were caught up in a tragedy that sent at least five million civilians to their deaths.
It is commonplace that political power is becoming more centralized and remote: faceless people, sometimes in unknown places, determine our circumstances and our opportunities. This ground breaking book argues that this happened through a slow development which began before globalization. Power in Business and the State queries our freedom to make our own history. Current circumstances may be so far from our own choosing that our history is now being made for us, rather than something we control ourselves. Political power is so centralized, and economic power so concentrated, that popular control of democratic government has become increasingly difficult. The sheer magnitude of the author's research underpinning this book, and the uncluttered methodological framework in which it is presented, provides a highly readable text.
The era between empire and communism is routinely portrayed as a catastrophic interlude in China's modern history, but this engagingly written book shows instead that the first half of the twentieth century witnessed a qualitatively unprecedented trend towards openness. Frank Dikötter argues that the years from 1900 to 1949 were characterised at all levels of society by engagement with the world, and that the pursuit of openness was particularly evident in four areas: in governance and the advance of the rule of law and of newly acquired liberties; in freedom of movement in and out of the country; in open minds thriving on ideas from the humanities and sciences; and in open markets and sustained growth in the economy. Freedom of association, freedom to travel, freedom of religion, freedom to trade and relative freedom of speech wrought profound changes in the texture of everyday life. While globalisation itself was a vector of cultural diversification, pre-existing constellations of ideas, practices and institutions did not simply vanish on contact with the rest of the world, but on the contrary expanded even further, just as much as local industries diversified thanks to their inclusion into a much larger global market. Arguably the country was at its most diverse in its entire history on the eve of World War II – in terms of politics, society, culture and the economy. Accessible to general readers, while providing an integration of ideas that will be valuable for specialists, this book presents a fresh way of approaching the history of modern China.
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