In March 2011, NATO launched a mission hitherto entirely unthinkable: to protect civilians against Libya's ferocious regime, solely from the air. NATO had never operated in North Africa, or without troops on the ground; it also had never had to move as quickly as it did that spring. It took seven months, 25,000 air sorties, 7,000 combat strike missions, 3,100 maritime hailings and nearly 400 boardings for Tripoli to fall. This book tells for the first time the whole story of this international drama, spanning the hallways of the United Nations in New York, NATO Headquarters in Brussels and, crucially, the two operational epicentres: the Libyan battlefield, and Joint Force Command Naples, which was in charge of the mission. Weighill and Gaub offer a comprehensive exploration of both the war's progression and the many challenges NATO faced, from its extremely rapid planning and limited understanding of Libya and its forces, to training shortfalls and the absence of post-conflict planning. Theirs is a long-awaited account of the Libyan war: one that truly considers all the actors involved.
This book examines the role of multiethnic armies in post-conflict reconstruction, and demonstrates how they can promote peacebuilding efforts. The author challenges the assumption that multiethnic composition leads to weakness of the military, and shows how a multiethnic army is frequently the impetus for peacemaking in multiethnic societies. Three case studies (Nigeria, Lebanon and Bosnia-Herzegovina) determine that rather than external factors, it is the internal structures that make or break the military institution in a socially challenging environment. The book finds that where the political will is present, the multiethnic military can become a symbol of reconciliation and coexistence. Furthermore, it shows that the military as a professional identity can supersede ethnic considerations and thus facilitates cooperation within the armed forces despite a hostile post-conflict setting. In this, the book challenges widespread theories about ethnic identities and puts professional identities on an equal footing with them. The book will be of great interest to students of military studies, ethnic conflict, conflict studies and peacebuilding, and IR in general Florence Gaub is a Researcher and Lecturer at the NATO Defence College in Rome. She holds a PhD in International Politics from Humboldt University, Berlin.
The Middle East and North Africa might not be the first region that comes to mind when one contemplates the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). To many, the Alliance was founded largely to unite Europe and North America, and to counter threats emerging from the Soviet bloc. The end of the Cold War changed these assumptions-not least to be proven by NATO's Operation in Libya in 2011, sanctioned by the League of Arab States. In this monograph, Dr. Florence Gaub describes how the region has moved from the rim of the Alliance's security perspective toward a more nuanced vision that recognizes the region's role in an ever-changing and more-complex world. NATO has understood the security implications emerging from the changes taking place among its southern neighbors and the need for dialogue and cooperation. Dr. Gaub gives not only an overview of the different frameworks of cooperation that NATO has with the Middle East and North Africa, but also explains their evolution and potential.
This book examines the role of multiethnic armies in post-conflict reconstruction, and demonstrates how they can promote peacebuilding efforts. The author challenges the assumption that multiethnic composition leads to weakness of the military, and shows how a multiethnic army is frequently the impetus for peacemaking in multiethnic societies. Three case studies (Nigeria, Lebanon and Bosnia-Herzegovina) determine that rather than external factors, it is the internal structures that make or break the military institution in a socially challenging environment. The book finds that where the political will is present, the multiethnic military can become a symbol of reconciliation and coexistence. Furthermore, it shows that the military as a professional identity can supersede ethnic considerations and thus facilitates cooperation within the armed forces despite a hostile post-conflict setting. In this, the book challenges widespread theories about ethnic identities and puts professional identities on an equal footing with them. The book will be of great interest to students of military studies, ethnic conflict, conflict studies and peacebuilding, and IR in general Florence Gaub is a Researcher and Lecturer at the NATO Defence College in Rome. She holds a PhD in International Politics from Humboldt University, Berlin.
The Middle East and North Africa might not be the first region that comes to mind when one contemplates the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). To many, the Alliance was founded largely to unite Europe and North America, and to counter threats emerging from the Soviet bloc. The end of the Cold War changed these assumptions-not least to be proven by NATO's Operation in Libya in 2011, sanctioned by the League of Arab States. In this monograph, Dr. Florence Gaub describes how the region has moved from the rim of the Alliance's security perspective toward a more nuanced vision that recognizes the region's role in an ever-changing and more-complex world. NATO has understood the security implications emerging from the changes taking place among its southern neighbors and the need for dialogue and cooperation. Dr. Gaub gives not only an overview of the different frameworks of cooperation that NATO has with the Middle East and North Africa, but also explains their evolution and potential.
As the Arab Spring has renewed Western interest in the political, as well as military, role of Arab armed forces, reform -- rather than mere assistance -- is crucial. In this monograph, the author focuses on the structural aspects of reform from which the Arab Spring forces would benefit. Seven features are identified which need to be addressed when attempting Arab military reform in the countries affected by large-scale unrest in 2011: an unclear mandate, over-politicization, a challenging ongoing security situation, limited resources, lack of civilian oversight, pockets of paramilitary activity, and, in parts, as well as the lack of an institutional perception of reform need. Their origins are elaborated as much as recommendations for what outside assistance can achieve"--Publisher's web site.
Over the past few years, a significant and growing share of CSDP missions and operations has been devoted to training and capacity-building in fragile countries and regions in Africa, from the Horn to the Great Lakes, from the Sahel to the Gulf of Guinea. While this shift in focus and emphasis reflects the challenges that the EU and the wider international community are increasingly confronted with in Africa, it is a fact that the efforts put into such activities have produced very modest results so far. It is therefore legitimate to wonder what is going wrong, and why. African armies are very different from one another, and they are also very different from European (and more generally Western) armies. Their historical roots and traditions, the way they were shaped after independence, their domestic functions and operational roles tend to vary significantly (although they are not completely unrelated to past European experiences) and, above all, cannot be reduced to a single, normative 'developmental' model, hence the need to differentiate the approaches and calibrate the actions. This Report was planned and prepared with this in mind: to offer at the same time a bird's eye view and a qualitative analysis of what the African armies we deal with (and invest in) actually are, and what they are not; to explore what they can (and possibly should) do, and what they cannot; and to present both the regional expert and the layman, both the academic and the practitioner, with an accessible and hopefully stimulating read on a policy issue that matters a great deal for our common security in an increasingly complex, connected and contested world.
This Chaillot Paper analyses how Arab states strive to achieve strategic, economic and symbolic goals through indigenous armaments production, with some countries in the region showing a new determination to become more self-reliant technologically as well as operationally in this domain. The paper focuses in particular on how efforts undertaken by Arab states to develop national defence technological and industrial bases (DTIBs) entail new relationships with defence suppliers whereby Arab states that were formerly customers are evolving into arms manufacturers in their own right -- a phenomenon that also marks a shifting strategic balance in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region"--
This Chaillot Paper looks at the police in the Arab world – an institution at the centre of political life but one that is very much under-researched. After years of attempts at reform, it seems that not much progress has been made in reducing corruption and violence, or increasing police efficiency. Why is it so hard to reform an institution so deeply embedded in the daily lives of citizens?The paper contributes a new way of looking at police reform in a region where the rule of law is not fully implemented. It argues that it is not the institution itself that lies at the heart of the problem, but its relationship with society at large. Any reform attempts focusing solely on the police will therefore always miss half of the problem’s equation. This approach therefore opens new avenues for reflection, and invites a revision of existing reform programmes. It also considers that this type of police-community engagement is a way to reduce the democratic deficit long-term. Lastly, it finds that different Arab states show different degrees of reform potential.
The Middle East and North Africa region has been one of the world's most unstable areas since World War II, and yet, the nations of the region have failed to develop any form of security architecture. The Arab Spring and its aftermath seemed to have opened a window of opportunity for certain Arab states to cooperate more-but how and to what extent remain to be seen. This Letort Paper explains why the region has struggled so far to establish cooperative security, and what obstacles need to be overcome on the way to a system akin to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). Unless they are addressed, every new announcement of an alliance-be it of Arab, Islamic, Gulf, or other nature-will remain a pie in the sky. Just as the international community is yet again considering such an architecture-perhaps even including Iran-this idea and its implementation are more important than ever.
This monograph examines the impact that the 'Arab Spring' has had on how Arab states relate to each other post-regime change and post-Islamist electoral victory. It shows that the region is undergoing a profound change as some traditional regional policy actors are paralyzed by internal turmoil (such as Syria and Egypt), while others do not have a regional ambition (such as Algeria and Morocco). The region has therefore entered a Gulf moment where key decisions pertaining to the region's future are now taken in Riyadh, Doha, and Abu Dhabi. From having once been mere bystanders of regional politics, the Gulf States have moved to become players with both the ambition and capability to shape regional dynamics. As the ripple effects of their 2014 rift show, these dynamics will have a wider Arab impact"--Publisher's web site.
This monograph examines the impact the "Arab Spring" has had on how Arab states relate to each other post-regime change and post-Islamist electoral victory. It shows that the region is undergoing a profound change as some traditional regional policy actors are paralyzed by internal turmoil (such as Syria or Egypt), while others do not have a regional ambition (such as Algeria or Morocco). The region has therefore entered a "Gulf moment" where key decisions pertaining to the region's future are now taken in Riyadh, Doha, and Abu Dhabi. From mere bystanders of regional politics, the Gulf States have moved to players with both the ambition and capability to shape the regional set-up. As the ripple effects of their 2014 rift shows, this has wider Arab impact. Audience: Students pursuing coursework in World History classes, such as Regional and Interregional interactions for Advanced Placement World History classes, and those students with a focus on Middle Eastern countries may benefit from this book the most. Foreign policy advocates, international relations scholars, political scientists, and others that may be interested in the Middle East dynamic as their powers for collaboration begin to show a struggle as their power epicenter moves from Cairo to the Gulf states. Related products: United States Gulf Cooperation Council Security Cooperation in a Multipolar World can be found here: https: //bookstore.gpo.gov/products/sku/008-000-01126-5 Arab Threat Perceptions and the Future of the U.S. Military Presence in the Middle East can be found here: https: //bookstore.gpo.gov/products/sku/008-000-01193-1 The New Arab Regional Order: Opportunities and Challenges for U.S. Policy is available here: https: //bookstore.gpo.gov/products/sku/008-000-01171-1 Maneuvering the Islamist-Secularist Divide in the Arab World: How the United States Can Preserve Its Interests and Values in an Increasingly Polarized Environment is available here: https: //bookstore.gpo.gov/products/sku/008-000-01126-5
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