This lecture focuses on the need for the United States – and other Western countries – to understand the political, social, and ideological trends that have emerged in the Muslim world in recent years, and on the necessity of engaging Muslim communities worldwide. The Obama administration is moving in this direction, as evidenced by President Obama’s Cairo speech of June 4, 2009, and his other statements and media interviews regarding the Muslim world. This lecture is based on my academic research over the years, and my work for the US government from 1990 to 2006. It draws heavily on my two recent publications, and on the numerous visits I have made to more than thirty Muslim counties in sub-Saharan Africa, the Middle East and North Africa, Central, South and Southeast Asia and the Balkans, as well as to several European countries that have Muslim populations. These visits have afforded me the opportunity to engage hundreds of Muslims – thinkers, writers, activists, journalists, politicians, clerics, non-governmental organization (NGO) workers, “jihadists,” liberals, radicals, Sunnis, Shia, and Sufis – in conversations on current developments in the Islamic world and how they view their relations with the outside world, including with the United States. My interviews gave me a clear impression that Muslims – especially those of the well-educated and professional middle classes – throughout most of the present decade have grown increasingly troubled by present relations between the United States and the Islamic world, and even more concerned about the future of these important relations.
Describes the rise of political Islam and Islamic radicalism, and the failures--some politically motivated--of American attempts to confront the Muslim world chiefly in terms of terrorism, and suggests ways to switch to a more diplomatic focus.
Describes the rise of political Islam and Islamic radicalism, and the failures--some politically motivated--of American attempts to confront the Muslim world chiefly in terms of terrorism, and suggests ways to switch to a more diplomatic focus.
First published in 1986. This study of the West Bank was originally undertaken for the Middle East Institute in Washington, D.C., under the terms of its contract with the U.S. Defense Intelligence Agency. The study was compiled from a series of draft working papers. Covering The Late Ottoman period to 1967 and the second part looks at the West Bank under Israeli Occupation after 1967.
The book is a study of political development in Bahrain during the first five years after its independence in 1971. It is based on field research done by the author as the first senior Fulbright scholar in that country. The book was banned in Bahrain for 30 years but was allowed to be published in Arabic in that country in 2006. The study focuses on the tribal structure of Bahraini society and the rule of a minority Sunni government by al-Khalifa family over a largely disenfranchised Shia majority. To examine the making of the new state, the book analyzes the nature and characteristics of the Bahraini tribal society, the educational system of modern Bahrain, the nature of the political system, and popular demands for participation in decision making. The book also examines the making of the new constitution, the first ever national election to both the Constitutional Assembly and the National Assembly, and the electoral campaigns and candidates. The book also discusses the restrictions on freedoms of speech and assembly, the denial of women the right to vote, the banning of political parties and the role of clubs as surrogate political gathering places, the exclusion of the Shia majority from the economic and political centers of power, and the absence of government accountability and transparency. The February 20ll popular uprising in Bahrain underscores some of the key challenges discussed in the book, especially the autocratic nature of the regime and the urgency of political reform for domestic stability.
This lecture focuses on the need for the United States – and other Western countries – to understand the political, social, and ideological trends that have emerged in the Muslim world in recent years, and on the necessity of engaging Muslim communities worldwide. The Obama administration is moving in this direction, as evidenced by President Obama’s Cairo speech of June 4, 2009, and his other statements and media interviews regarding the Muslim world. This lecture is based on my academic research over the years, and my work for the US government from 1990 to 2006. It draws heavily on my two recent publications, and on the numerous visits I have made to more than thirty Muslim counties in sub-Saharan Africa, the Middle East and North Africa, Central, South and Southeast Asia and the Balkans, as well as to several European countries that have Muslim populations. These visits have afforded me the opportunity to engage hundreds of Muslims – thinkers, writers, activists, journalists, politicians, clerics, non-governmental organization (NGO) workers, “jihadists,” liberals, radicals, Sunnis, Shia, and Sufis – in conversations on current developments in the Islamic world and how they view their relations with the outside world, including with the United States. My interviews gave me a clear impression that Muslims – especially those of the well-educated and professional middle classes – throughout most of the present decade have grown increasingly troubled by present relations between the United States and the Islamic world, and even more concerned about the future of these important relations.
As frequent intermediaries between Israeli military authorities and Palestinian citizens, Palestinian lawyers stand close to the fault line dividing Israeli and Palestinian societies. The conflicts and tensions they experience in their profession mirror the larger conflicts between the two societies. Thus, as George Bisharat reveals in Palestinian Lawyers and Israeli Rule, a careful study of the work and lives of Palestinian lawyers ultimately helps to illuminate the causes of the intifada, or uprising, that began in December 1987. The study revolves around the central question of why the Palestinian legal profession declined during twenty years of Israeli occupation when, in other Third World countries, the legal profession has often reached its peak during a period of Western colonization. Bisharat answers this question with a wide-ranging inquiry into the historical origins of the legal profession and court system in Palestine, the tenuous grounding of these institutions in Palestinian society and culture, and the structure, style, and policies of the late-twentieth-century Israeli military government in the West Bank. For general readers interested in the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, as well as specialists in such fields as legal anthropology, sociology of the professions, Third World law and development, and Middle Eastern studies, Palestinian Lawyers and Israeli Rule will be required reading.
The book is a study of political development in Bahrain during the first five years after its independence in 1971. It is based on field research done by the author as the first senior Fulbright scholar in that country. The book was banned in Bahrain for 30 years but was allowed to be published in Arabic in that country in 2006. The study focuses on the tribal structure of Bahraini society and the rule of a minority Sunni government by al-Khalifa family over a largely disenfranchised Shia majority. To examine the making of the new state, the book analyzes the nature and characteristics of the Bahraini tribal society, the educational system of modern Bahrain, the nature of the political system, and popular demands for participation in decision making. The book also examines the making of the new constitution, the first ever national election to both the Constitutional Assembly and the National Assembly, and the electoral campaigns and candidates. The book also discusses the restrictions on freedoms of speech and assembly, the denial of women the right to vote, the banning of political parties and the role of clubs as surrogate political gathering places, the exclusion of the Shia majority from the economic and political centers of power, and the absence of government accountability and transparency. The February 20ll popular uprising in Bahrain underscores some of the key challenges discussed in the book, especially the autocratic nature of the regime and the urgency of political reform for domestic stability.
I view this lecture as a conversation on the need for the United States - and other Western countries - to understand the political, social, and ideological trends that have emerged in the Muslim world in recent years, and on the necessity of engaging Muslim communities worldwide. My interviews gave me a clear impression that Muslims, especially those of the well-educated and professional middle classes, through most of the present decade have grown increasingly troubled by present relations between the United States and the Islamic world, and even more concerned about the future of these relations.
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