How did race affect the election that gave America its first African American president? This book offers some fascinating, and perhaps controversial, findings. Donald R. Kinder and Allison Dale-Riddle assert that racism was in fact an important factor in 2008, and that if not for racism, Barack Obama would have won in a landslide. On the way to this conclusion, they make several other important arguments. In an analysis of the nomination battle between Obama and Hillary Clinton, they show why racial identity matters more in electoral politics than gender identity. Comparing the 2008 election with that of 1960, they find that religion played much the same role in the earlier campaign that race played in '08. And they argue that racial resentment--a modern form of racism that has superseded the old-fashioned biological variety--is a potent political force.
Over fifty years ago, Vannevar Bush released his enormously influential report, Science, the Endless Frontier, which asserted a dichotomy between basic and applied science. This view was at the core of the compact between government and science that led to the golden age of scientific research after World War II—a compact that is currently under severe stress. In this book, Donald Stokes challenges Bush's view and maintains that we can only rebuild the relationship between government and the scientific community when we understand what is wrong with that view. Stokes begins with an analysis of the goals of understanding and use in scientific research. He recasts the widely accepted view of the tension between understanding and use, citing as a model case the fundamental yet use-inspired studies by which Louis Pasteur laid the foundations of microbiology a century ago. Pasteur worked in the era of the "second industrial revolution," when the relationship between basic science and technological change assumed its modern form. Over subsequent decades, technology has been increasingly science-based. But science has been increasingly technology-based--with the choice of problems and the conduct of research often inspired by societal needs. An example is the work of the quantum-effects physicists who are probing the phenomena revealed by the miniaturization of semiconductors from the time of the transistor's discovery after World War II. On this revised, interactive view of science and technology, Stokes builds a convincing case that by recognizing the importance of use-inspired basic research we can frame a new compact between science and government. His conclusions have major implications for both the scientific and policy communities and will be of great interest to those in the broader public who are troubled by the current role of basic science in American democracy.
First published in 1983, Race, Ethnicity and Power focuses on contemporary race and ethnic relations in six countries and looks at the historical context by tracing how various forces and factors, such as group power capabilities, shaped present-day ethnic and race relations. It describes how English settlers, and their descendants used their power historically to control major political, economic and social structures, and to shape the cultural policies of these countries. It explains how ethnic and race relations are best understood by assessing the changing power capabilities of Anglo and non-Anglo groups, and shows how changes in group relations are the consequence of two major factors: modification in group power resources and capabilities, and changes in situational factors. This book will be of interest to students of sociology, political science, ethnic studies and international relations.
A treatment of party identification, in which three political scientists argue that identification with political parties powerfully determines how citizens look at politics and cast their ballots. They build a case for the continuing theoretical and political significance of partisan identities.
Divided by Color supplies the reasons for this division, showing that racial resentment continues to exist. Despite a parade of recent books optimistically touting the demise of racial hostility in the United States, the authors marshal a wealth of the most current and comprehensive evidence available to prove their case.
Congress is crippled by ideological conflict. The political parties are more polarized today than at any time since the Civil War. Americans disagree, fiercely, about just about everything, from terrorism and national security, to taxes and government spending, to immigration and gay marriage. Well, American elites disagree fiercely. But average Americans do not. This, at least, was the position staked out by Philip Converse in his famous essay on belief systems, which drew on surveys carried out during the Eisenhower Era to conclude that most Americans were innocent of ideology. In Neither Liberal nor Conservative, Donald Kinder and Nathan Kalmoe argue that ideological innocence applies nearly as well to the current state of American public opinion. Real liberals and real conservatives are found in impressive numbers only among those who are deeply engaged in political life. The ideological battles between American political elites show up as scattered skirmishes in the general public, if they show up at all. If ideology is out of reach for all but a few who are deeply and seriously engaged in political life, how do Americans decide whom to elect president; whether affirmative action is good or bad? Kinder and Kalmoe offer a persuasive group-centered answer. Political preferences arise less from ideological differences than from the attachments and antagonisms of group life.
This edition includes material on environmentalism and the law, international environmental law, access to environmental justice, noise pollution and new legislation on pollution prevention and new case law.
Ethnocentrism—our tendency to partition the human world into in-groups and out-groups—pervades societies around the world. Surprisingly, though, few scholars have explored its role in political life. Donald Kinder and Cindy Kam fill this gap with Us Against Them, their definitive explanation of how ethnocentrism shapes American public opinion. Arguing that humans are broadly predisposed to ethnocentrism, Kinder and Kam explore its impact on our attitudes toward an array of issues, including the war on terror, humanitarian assistance, immigration, the sanctity of marriage, and the reform of social programs. The authors ground their study in previous theories from a wide range of disciplines, establishing a new framework for understanding what ethnocentrism is and how it becomes politically consequential. They also marshal a vast trove of survey evidence to identify the conditions under which ethnocentrism shapes public opinion. While ethnocentrism is widespread in the United States, the authors demonstrate that its political relevance depends on circumstance. Exploring the implications of these findings for political knowledge, cosmopolitanism, and societies outside the United States, Kinder and Kam add a new dimension to our understanding of how democracy functions.
This sequel to Donald J. Ratcliffe's Party Spirit in a Frontier Republic investigates the origins of the important series of political contests now known as the Second Party System. Whereas recent historians claim that the mass parties of the antebellum era emerged in the 1830s, Ratcliffe argues that already by 1828 the battle lines had been laid down in Ohio that would dominate local and national politics until the eve of the Civil War, and even persist into the twentieth century. This cleavage in popular political loyalties first emerged, Ratcliffe contends, in the wake of the Missouri crests and the Panic of 1819. In 1824 the struggle to control the federal government saw many voters make choices to which they subsequently clung. Then in 1828, with the rise of the Jacksonian opposition, the excitements of the first closely contested presidential electron in Ohio brought unprecedented numbers of voters into the electoral contest. The choices that voters made at this critical time reflected, in part, the energetic organizational work of ambitious politicians and the persuasive scurrility of the media. But, more significantly, it revealed not only the economic hopes and political attachments but also the cultural attitudes, ethnic antagonisms, and social tensions that divided Ohioans in the much neglected decade of the 1820s.
The passion is the climactic event in each of the gospels. This volume elucidates the passion in its historical background and explores its theological breadth and depth. With scholarly finesse and pastoral awareness, the author sets the vibrant message of the passion speaking to our lives and times.
In The Myth of Democratic Failure, Donald A. Wittman refutes one of the cornerstone beliefs of economics and political science: that economic markets are more efficient than the processes and institutions of democratic government.
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