Organized crime in America today is not the tough hoodlums familiar to moviegoers and TV watchers. It is more sophisticated, with many college graduates, gifted with organizational genius, all belonging to twenty-four tightly knit "families," who have corrupted legitimate business and infiltrated some of the highest levels of local, state, and federal government. Their power reaches into Congress, into the executive and judicial branches, police agencies, and labor unions, and into such business enterprises as real estate, retail stores, restaurants, hotels, linen-supply houses, and garbage-collection routes.How does organized crime operate? How dangerous is it? What are the implications for American society? How may we cope with it? In answering these questions, Cressey asserts that because organized crime provides illicit goods and services demanded by legitimate society, it has become part of legitimate society. This fascinating account reveals the parallels: the growth of specialization, "big-business practices" (pooling of capital and reinvestment of profits; fringe benefits like bail money), and government practices (negotiated settlements and peace treaties, defined territories, fair-trade agreements).For too long we have, as a society, concerned ourselves only with superficial questions about organized crime. "Theft of the Nation" focuses on to a more profound and searching level. Of course, organized crime exists. Cressey not only establishes this fact, but proceeds to explore it rigorously and with penetration. One need not agree with everything Cressey writes to conclude that no one, after the publication of "Theft of the Nation", can be knowledgeable about organized crime without having read this book.
This classic has been the most authoritative text in the field since 1924. The thoroughly revised Eleventh Edition continues to provide a sound, sophisticated, sociological treatment of the principal issues in criminology.
This is a book about Edwin H. Sutherland's theory of differ ential association. I received my Ph. D. from Indiana University, where I worked with Sutherland, and the volume is made up principally of my writings on differential association during the years 1952-1963. However, the volume is neither a festschrift nor a book of reprints. The original materials have in most cases been quite severely edited in order to give the volume coherence and in order to minimize repetition and redundancy. For example, portions of one journal article appear in Chapters I, IV and V; parts of a chapter published in a recent book appear in Chapters I, II and III; and Chapter IX is composed of two inter-related articles, published eight years apart. Chapter I has not appeared elsewhere in its present form, but most of it consists of snippets culled from several of my articles and books and woven together in new form. The book is intended primarily for non-American readers, who on the whole are not as familiar with Sutherland's theory (or with other sociological and social psychological theories about delinquency, crime and corrections) as are Americans. Yet at least a nodding acquaintance with Sutherland's work is becoming increasingly necessary to an intelligent reading of the American literature in criminology.
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