Our government has always maintained a certain level of secrecy when it comes to the internal workings of its organization. In the past our government has closed their eyes to certain actions by the CIA, FBI, and others. We as a people, along with the government, justified these actions with the thought of necessity in order to protect the freedom of this country. These actions we believed to be for the greater good of all people. However, when the government steps over the line and commits unlawful acts only for the greater good of a few people, the necessity can no longer be looked at as justified. This book is intended to have the reader attempt to answer the unanswered questions. It is written as though it were a trial. In a normal trial the prosecution would present its case first, and then the defense would present its case. By law the defendant is innocent until proven guilty. This is a case of "You, the people of the United States vs. the Bush Administration." There are many defendants in this case, most notable being president George W. Bush. For the past four years, the Bush administration has put its case to the people of this country for its actions within our borders and around the world. The Bush administration has placed many items into evidence, called many witnesses, and has asked you, the people of the United States, to trust them without question. The Bush administration, or the defense, rested its case with the reelection of President Bush. Now, it is time for the prosecution to present its case. I am not going to ask you to do any more than look at the case from both sides. If you need to refer back to the defense's case, or testimony, you will be able to review many speeches and addresses by President Bush and members of his administration, which will be placed into evidence. What I am asking you to do is use your common sense. At the end of this case, many questions will be asked. Answer those questions, and then you decide the guilt or innocence of the defendants. You are the jury. It is up to you to decide the fate of this country and those beyond our borders. No man is above the law, even if that man is the President of the United States.
In the summer of 1943, while a U. S. Army sergeant stationed in Hamadan, Iran, Ed Davis became friends with some local Kurd tribesman (or Lourd, in Davis's original account), who told him of Noah's ark on Mount Ararat. The ark and items from it were considered holy relics, generally kept from outsiders, but the patriarch's friendship with Davis made him an exception. They showed him items from the ark, including a cage door, latches, and shepherd staffs. All the wooden items were described as petrified. Tribal leader Abas-Abas and seven of his sons led Davis up the northeast side of Ararat, but bad weather prevented getting closer than half a mile to the ark. But Davis did see it; it was broken into three or four pieces, of which Davis saw two; the nearer had at least three floors. Abas-Abas supplied other details. The living space for people is at the top; the ark's door was hinged at the top; construction was done with wooden pegs. Dr. Don Shockey received his B.A. in anthropology from the university of New Mexico and his O.D. from Pacific University College of Optometry, Forest Grove, Oregon. Dr. Shockey taught science in the public schools at Taos, New Mexico, and was an anthropology instructor at the Taos branch of the University of New Mexico. He is co-founder and co-owner of the Governor Bent Museum in Taos, and founder and president of the Foundation for International Biblical Exploration and Research (F.I.B.E.R.) in Albuquerque, New Mexico. Dr. Shockey has lectured widely throughout the western states and has made many television appearances. He was a member of the 1984 expedition on Mount Ararat searching for evidence of the Ark of Noah. The expedition was filmed by Turkish National Television.
Dynamic secrets are constantly generated and updated from messages exchanged between two communication users. When dynamic secrets are used as a complement to existing secure communication systems, a stolen key or password can be quickly and automatically reverted to its secret status without disrupting communication. "Dynamic Secrets in Communication Security" presents unique security properties and application studies for this technology. Password theft and key theft no longer pose serious security threats when parties frequently use dynamic secrets. This book also illustrates that a dynamic secret based security scheme guarantees impersonation attacks are detected even if an adversary steals a user’s password or their key is lost. Practitioners and researchers working in network security or wireless communications will find this book a must-have reference. "Dynamic Secrets in Communication Security" is also a valuable secondary text for advanced-level students in computer science and electrical engineering.
As Dr. Edward Jennings wisely observed, "Most Polish American historians were too conservative to be interested in radicalism. On the other hand, most historians, especially labor historians, were liberal to radical, and weren't interested in the Polish community because it wasn't radical enough." However, it must be emphasized that I am presenting primarily an American perspective of liberal persuasion of the work of Leo Krzycki in the Polish Left, 1942-1950, while attempting to be loyal to the Polish cause. The Detroit Left was an infinitesimal part of Polonia. Hopefully, I have not been chauvinistic to either view. The label, "Detroit Left," resulted from many radical activities, often spawned by the Depression. The anti-Soviet writers coined the expression, "Detroit Left," based upon the perceived headquarters of the Polish Left. Only Krzycki's involvement has been researched, not the complete breadth of the Polish Left, so that their entire involvement remains to be revealed. Starting with Daniel DeLeon's "Detroit IWW," headquartered in Hamtramck, Detroit was home to the radicals in the circle of C.L.R. James known as the Johnson-Forest Tendency in the 1940s. A 1940s member of the Detroit Habonim recalled "the panoply of radical groups that existed in Detroit, not only Zionist radicals, but Communists, Trotskyites, Socialist Labor Party people, and even a few surviving Wobblies." Black Power manifested itself in DRUM and Malcolm X, dubbed "Detroit Red." "In the Detroit area, as nationally, labor did more than most civilians to win the war," stated William O'Neill. During WW II, Detroit, America's fourth largest city, became the center of America's heavy industry, the arsenal of democracy. The auto workers union, the UAW, headquartered in Detroit, represented the "most important working-class organization in all of American machine industry." Starting in 1919, B.K. Gebert (1895-1986) agitated and organized Ford workers, 1937-40. Probably, no large American city was as unionized as Detroit with such a multitude of militant CIO unions. The higher wages paid to union members allowed those few Communist Party (CP) members and radicals of other persuasions to support not only the many CP front groups in the Detroit area but also other radical groups. Smaller than Chicago, a small Polish communist cadre developed, starting in 1919 with the Glos Robotniczy (The Worker's Voice) and then in 1924 with the paper, Trybuna Robotnicza (The Workers Tribune) by Gebert. With the most Polish city in America, Hamtramck, in its territorial center, Detroit became a central geographical location in America with its many Polish organizations and buildings. The Polish Workers Hall erected in 1919 at 3014 Yemans, Hamtramck, developed into the center for the Polish Left. Joseph Kowalski, the first Pole on the executive board of the Communist Party of the USA (CPUSA or CP), made Detroit his headquarters. Marrying a Detroiter in 1920, Gebert also headquartered himself in Detroit. Stanley Nowak (1903-1994) settled in Detroit and pioneered the rise of the United Automobile Workers. His Polish Trade Union Committee consisted of militant CP members. They used the radio as effectively than FDR. However, it must be remembered that the socialists, active for over 40 years, paved the way for the CPUSA, created in 1919 from left-wing groups expelled by the Socialist Party. Tadeusz Radwanski (1884-1960) not only edited the various newspapers but developed a CP correspondence course in Polish. In 1936, the Polish left founded the Glos Ludowy (The People's Voice, 1936-1991) which because the official organ of the Polonia Society, IWO, headed by Gebert. Edited by Henry Podolski; Wladyslaw Kucharski (1883- 1960); Thomas X. Dombrowski (1917-1956); Conrad Komorowski (1906-1991); Adam Kujtkowski et al., the Glos Ludowy paper had a national circulation and it was lat
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