Anyone studying or teaching Irish history, or who likely to be involved in discussions on the subject, should first get the facts straight. It is my aim to provide, as far as possible, the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, about one particular period. This book is a companion to my other book Pre-Famine Ireland: Social Structure. I had accumulated such a vast quantity of material, often from untouched sources, that I was unable to include it in one volume of reasonable size. So it was necessary to order all material of a social and economic character in one volume, and historical narrative in another. But in places, in explaining legislation for example I felt it necessary to give brief accounts of social, political, or economic circumstances. The period 1800 to 1850 in Irish history has not been particularly frequently or well researched. Distortions too were caused by the political objectives of the various writers. Facts were selected, omitted, or twisted to suit political objectives. Catholic or nationalist writers wrote with their own religious and political objectives in mind, and Protestants or loyalists likewise. To this day the contending factions in Northern Ireland defend their stances by reference to the version of history favoured by their own side. It has often been observed that truth is the first casualty in any conflict, but it is also true that the loss or distortion of truth causes the conflict. Ireland was not an abnormal country in 1800. It could in many ways be compared with the young United States, and the disparities in their wealth and size of population were nothing like what they were later to become. British influence in Ireland had commenced some centuries before it had in the American colonies, and in each case the influence went far beyond political influence. It spread to language customs and institutions. The Irish Parliament received from Britain relative independence in 1782, and the American colonies absolute independence in 1783. Ireland, like the United States, had an upper ruling Protestant elite, and a lower class largely excluded from positions of power. The big difference was that this underclass of coloured people was a minority in the United States, while in Ireland the excluded Catholics formed a majority. By 1829 Irish Catholics had largely achieved political equality with Protestants, while the American Negroes received political equality, by the standards of the time, in 1866. The independence of the Irish Parliament was ended in 1800 because it was realized that the ruling Protestant elite in Ireland would never give political equality to Catholics for precisely the same reasons that southern American States would never give political equality to Negroes. In an era when political corruption was rife the whites would have to bribe the blacks to get anything. Everyone knows what happened to the American Negroes after 1866 when the actual conditions for democratic participation was left to be determined by the individual states. Ireland, like the United States, in the first half of the century was largely at peace. Though a great war raged around it, it was not invaded. Like the United States, its efforts were directed towards the arts of peace. Like the United States also its population grew rapidly. Though America had ultimately a safety valve in the great prairies to its west, and possessed abundant minerals, much of its development in the first half of the century was in the mountainous and forested states of the east. The population expanded up the mountains and into the forests, and, as in Ireland, gradually refluxed either into the great cities, or into the lands to the west. The difference was that in the United States this migration was within the country, while for the Irish the great cities and better lands were outside her borders. Like in Britain and the United States the use of machinery in the textile industry led to
After I began my researches into Irish history I became more and more dissatisfied with the existing stereotyped model of the supposed centuries old conflict with the English. One day I went into a bookshop to purchase a greatly-hyped History of modern Ireland, and I found that the chapter headings had scarcely changed in a hundred years. A version of Irish history had been set in the nineteenth century, and accepted as true ever after. Next, I happened to purchase out of curiosity a copy of Adolf Hitlers Mein Kampf. I was rather astounded to find that the version of German history Hitler preached was uncannily like the version of Irish history I had been taught in school. Both were derived from the racial theories of the early nineteenth century, of the special Geist or genius of each race, and the Darwinian Rassenkampf or wars of the races, resulting in the survival of the fittest or strongest. Thirdly, when preparing my doctoral thesis I quoted a world-famous authority on some point or another, only for my supervisor to ask me where I got that idea from. (He was an authority on the point.) I resolved to check every fact, never to rely on a single source, and to accept no mans conclusions merely on his reputation. (O si sic omnes).
This is a book about the history of Ireland. It is not a history of various groups backed by American money who sought the independence of Ireland. Such histories have been written in the past, largely with the aim of extracting more money from their American financial backers. Writers of such books never felt constrained to tell ‘the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth’. This book is the fifth in a series of books on various periods of Irish history in which I aimed to do just that. This book had its origin when the author was glancing through an English translation of Adolf Hitler’s book Mein Kampf. He was so struck by Hitler’s account of German history before, during, and after the First World War that he went and bought the book. What amazed him was its resemblance to the version of Irish history that he had been taught in Irish schools. There was no question of either side borrowing directly from the other, but equally obviously both were drawing on a common set of ideas and used a common method of exposition. Further study showed that both exposed a racist view of history and believed in the Darwinian struggle of the races. Both regarded their countries as subjected by alien races who destroyed the pure native culture. Both attributed every evil in their respective societies to these malign evil influences. Both saw that the alien races would have to be expelled from their countries so that their countries could again prosper when their native cultures were restored. Protestant landlords in Ireland had the same place in Irish racist propaganda and political mythology that the Jews had in Nazi political mythology. Most Irish boys of the author’s generation had, like Hitler, come across an inspiring teacher of history who inspired them to nationalism with his one-sided stories of Irish wrongs at the hands of the English. Having realised that the standard version of Irish history was vitiated in its roots the problem arose as to how a version of Irish history could be written which was fair to all parties involved. Many excellent books and monographs on various parts of Irish history have been written, and he has drawn on them considerably in this book. It is noticeable that the further the subject of an historical study is from the present the easier it is to be objective, and the less controversy there is. There are two main themes in this period of Irish history. The first is the growth of Ireland into a modern industrial society. The other is the struggle of principally the Catholic middle classes to wrest control of Ireland, specifically the corruption and racketeering, from the Protestants. Ireland by 1850 was already a well-developed modern society, more advanced than most countries in Europe. The period up to 1920 was one of increasing prosperity, and increasing social improvement. Every new development in the various aspects of society, industry, agriculture, communications, science and education, social improvements were all adopted. The propaganda picture of an impoverished and down-trodden Catholic peasantry crushed by an alien state is shown to be false. At the same time the rosy-tinted picture of brave disinterested young men going out to fight for Ireland’s freedom from a foreign oppressor is shown to be equally false. Neither their objectives namely to control the rackets, nor their methods namely terrorism are things that Irish people can be proud of. Nor is the undiscriminating support given by Americans to the terrorists anything that America can be proud of either. But in this book I prefer to concentrate on the achievements Irishmen can be proud of. On can look at Irish industrial achievements. Belfast showed how ships on the North Atlantic run should be built and fitted out. The greatest linen industry in the world was built up. Two of the greatest dev developments in the modern world, the pneumatic tyre, and the three-point l
This book describes the social and economic conditions in Ireland during the first half of the nineteenth century—that is up to and including the Great Famine. It is concerned about particular issues like the Catholic emancipation or the famine but looks at Irish society as a whole. Central and local government are described: the economy (agricultural and industrial), the churches, the educational system, the medicine, the arts, the music, and the sports. It aims at presenting, as complete a picture as possible, Ireland at the time.
This book deals with Irish society and history at a turning point. At the beginning of the sixteenth century, Irish society was just had it always had been from time immemorial. It was not a state but a collection of warring states. Even that statement is not quite accurate for there were warring statelets within the warring states. The attempts by the kings of England from the twelfth century onwards to impose law and order had been little more successful than the attempts of various Irish chiefs before them to establish a single kingdom in Ireland. Yet the endeavours of the English kings were not without some improvements. They managed, chiefly in the eastern half of the island, to bring in improvements. By the end of the 16th century a Government had been established with a system of central administration based on Dublin and local government and administration based on shires or counties under sheriffs. Ireland might have developed into a centrally-managed state with regular parliaments and systems of courts, as the old ways were abandoned and forgotten. Unfortunaately, a civil war broke out in England which became mirrored in Ireland. In Ireland, in addition, the civil disputes between the king and the English Parliament were complicated by religious disputes. Ireland became polarized on sectarian lines. Though a peace of sorts was established after the restoration of the monarchy in 1660, the sectarian struggle broke out again, at the end of the century. Both sides sought the help of foreign armies, and the Protestant armies proved victorious. The Catholics paid the inevitable penalty. This might have been confined to the history books, if the Catholics, largely financed from the United States, in the 19th century tried to recover their dominance through political and violent means.
This book describes the social and economic conditions in Ireland in the second half of the 19th century, that is after the Great Famine. Though the famine severely affected the under-developed parts of Ireland, it did not greatly affect the Irish economy as a whole . On the contrary, an ever-increasing output was now spread over a falling population. GDP per capita went on rising, and people had more money to spread. The Government, the economy, agricultural and industrial, the churches, the educational system, medicine, the arts, the music, and the sports are described.
This book had its origin when the author was glancing through an English translation of Adolf Hitler’s book Mein Kampf. He was so struck by Hitler’s account of German history before, during, and after the First World War that he went and bought the book. What amazed him was its resemblance to the version of Irish history that he had been taught in Irish schools. There was no question of either side borrowing directly from the other, but equally obviously both were drawing on a common set of ideas and used a common method of exposition. Further study showed that both exposed a racist view of history and believed in the Darwinian struggle of the races. Both regarded their countries as subjected by alien races who destroyed the pure native culture. Both attributed every evil in their respective societies to these malign evil influences. Both saw that the alien races would have to be expelled from their countries so that their countries could again prosper when their native cultures were restored. Protestant landlords in Ireland had the same place in Irish racist propaganda and political mythology that the Jews had in Nazi political mythology. Most Irish boys of the author’s generation had, like Hitler, come across an inspiring teacher of history who inspired them to nationalism with his one-sided stories of Irish wrongs at the hands of the English. Having realised that the standard version of Irish history was vitiated in its roots the problem arose as to how a version of Irish history could be written which was fair to all parties involved. Many excellent books and monographs on various parts of Irish history have been written, and he has drawn on them considerably in this book. It is noticeable that the further the subject of an historical study is from the present the easier it is to be objective, and the less controversy there is. Some of the points examined and tested in this book are basic assumptions of racist propaganda, that separate races exist, that languages distinguish races, that each race has its own unique culture, and that foreign invasions necessarily destroy that unique culture. The author makes no claim to have done original research on any of the topics discussed in this book, but has drawn on the standard published works. He brings to the research a wide knowledge of the various subjects discussed which he has gathered over a lifetime. As a result of his researches he came to several conclusions. Firstly, that there was no unique Irish or Celtic race, Celtic being merely a language that had spread into many parts of Europe including Ireland. There was only one race in Europe, that of the Palaeolithic hunters who spread over it in the wake of the retreating ice-sheets. Celtic was a branch of the Indo-European languages which originated, apparently in southern Russia about 3000 BC. Gradually it broke into different dialects which further developed into distinct languages. But as late at 1500 BC Gaelic, Anglo-Saxon, and German were the same language. There was no evidence of invasions like those of Celtic warriors or any evidence that they wiped out the native population. As one author (Raftery) however remarked ruefully, it was regarded as virtually heresy to suggest that there never was a Celtic invasion. The culture of Ireland was not unique. It was derived bit by bit from centres of origin abroad, often in the Middle East. Nor were the various bits introduced by conquering warrior races. Farming techniques seem to have been spread largely by copying. Techniques in metal-working by travelling families who kept their secrets among themselves. Borrowing was selective. The Celtic language is as likely to have been introduced by traders as by warriors. Some things like writing and building with stone seem to have been neglected until introduced later in differing circumstances. There is no evidence that Ireland was a peaceful and prosperous land before the coming of ‘the in
The 18th century tended to be neglected by Irish historians in the 20th century. Irish achievements in the 18th century were largely those of Protestants, so Catholics tended to disregard them. Catholic historians concentrated on the grievances of the Catholics and exaggerated them. The Penal Laws against Catholics were stressed regardless of the fact that most of them affected only a small number of rich Catholics, the Catholic landowners who had sufficient wealth to raise a regiment of infantry to fight for the Catholic Stuart pretenders. The practice of the Catholic religion was not made illegal. Catholic priests could live openly and have their own chapels and mass-houses. As was the law at the time, the ordinary workers, Catholic or Protestant, had no vote, and so were ignored by the political classes. Nor had they any ambitions in the direction of taking control of the state. If they had local grievances, and in many places they had, especially with regard to rents and tithes, they dealt with them locally, and often brutally, but they were not trying to overthrow the Government. If some of them looked for a French invasion it was in the hope that the French would bring guns and powder to assist them in their local disputes. It is a peculiarity, as yet unexplained, that most of the Catholic working classes, by the end of the century, had names that reflected their ancestry as minor local chiefs. The question remains where did the descendants of the former workers, the villeins and betaghs go? The answer seems to be that in times of war and famine the members of even the smallest chiefly family stood a better chance of surviving. This would explain the long-standing grievance of the Catholic peasants that they were unjustly deprived of their land. We will perhaps never know the answer to this question. Penal Laws against religious minorities were the norm in Europe. The religion of the state was decided by the king according to the adage cuius regio eius religio (each king decides the state religion for his own kingdom). At the end of the 17th century, the Catholic landowners fought hard for the Catholic James II. But in the 18th century they lost interest and preferred to come to terms with the actually reigning monarch, and became Protestants to retain their lands and influence. Unlike in Scotland, support for the Catholic Stuarts remained minimal. Nor was there any attempt to establish in independent kingdom or republic. When such an attempt was made at the very end of the century it was led by Protestant gentlemen in imitation of their American cousins. Ireland in the 18th century was not ruled by a foreign elite like the British raj in India. It was an aristocratic society, like all the other European societies at the time. Some of these were descendants of Gaelic chiefs; some were descendants of those who had received grants of confiscated land; some were descendants of the moneylenders who had lent money to improvident Gaelic chiefs. Together these formed the ruling aristocracy who controlled Parliament and made the Irish laws, controlled the army, the judiciary and the executive. Access to this elite was open to any gentleman who was willing to take the oath of allegiance and conform to the state church, the Established Church but not the nonconformists. British kings did not occupy Ireland and impose foreign rule. Ireland had her own Government and elected Parliament. By a decree of King John in the 12th century, the Lordship of Ireland was annexed to the person of the king of England. When not present in Ireland in person, and he rarely was, his powers were exercised by a Lord Lieutenant to whom considerable executive power was given. He presided over the Irish Privy Council which drew up the legislation to be presented to the Irish Parliament. One restraint was imposed on the Irish Parliament. By Poynings’ Law it was not allowed to pass legislation that infringed on the rights of the king or his English Privy Council. The British Parliament had no interest in the internal affairs of Ireland. The Irish Council were free to devise their own legislation and they did so. The events in Irish republican fantasy are examined in detail. The was no major rebellion against alleged British rule. The vast majority of Catholics and Protestants rallied to the support of their lawful Government. The were local uprisings easily suppressed by the local militias and yeomanry. Atrocities were not all on one side. Ireland at last enjoyed a century of peace with no wasteful and destructive wars within its bounds. No longer were its crops burned, its buildings destroyed, its cattle driven off, its population reduced by fever and famine. Its trade was resumed and gradually wealth accumulated and was no longer dispersed on local wars. Gentlemen, as in England, could afford to build great country and town houses. The arts flourished as never before. Skilled masons could build great houses. Stone cutters could carve sculptures. The most delicate mouldings could be applied to ceilings. The theatre flourished. While some gentlemen led the life of wastrels, others devoted themselves to the promotion of agriculture and industry. Everywhere mines were dug to exploit minerals. Ireland had not the same richness of minerals as England, but every effort was made to find and exploit them. Roads were improved, canals dug, rivers deepened, and ports developed. Market towns spread all over Ireland which provided local farmers with outlets for their produce and increased the wealth of the landlords. This wealth was however very unevenly spread. The population was ever increasing and the poor remained miserably poor. In a bad year, hundreds of thousands of the very poor could perish through cold and famine. But the numbers of the very poor kept on growing. Only among the Presbyterians in Ulster was there emigration on any scale. Even before the American Revolution they found a great freedom and greater opportunities in the American colonies. Catholics, were born, lived and died in the same parish. Altogether it was a century of great achievement.
This book is a shorter companion book to The Real History of Ireland: Warts and All. It deals systematically with the social and economic aspects of Ireland from the earliest days until 1921. Many books with regard to the history of Ireland suffer to a greater or lesser degree of political or ideological distortion. It was always the authors aim to get at the actual facts of Irish history and to paint a picture with warts and all. Events are placed in their historical context and not in the context of later political propaganda.
This book is a companion book to The Real History of Ireland Warts and All. It deals systematically with the social and economic aspects of Ireland from the earliest days until 1921. Many books with regard to the history of Ireland suffer to a greater or lesser degree of political or ideological distortion. It was always the authors aim to get at the actual facts of Irish history and to paint a picture with warts and all. Events are placed in their historical context, and not in the context of later political propaganda.
This book represents a summary of my five previous books on Ireland within the Union with Great Britain. The traditional distortions of nationalist propaganda are weeded out; a complete re-examination was made of the original sources, and conclusions broadly in line with recent scholarship drawn from them.
The history of medieval Ireland cannot be understood without some knowledge of the historical and social background. Also many concepts familiar to readers in Ireland are not familiar to readers in other countries. Therefore I have supposed that many readers will be coming to the subject for the first time. I trust that those who are already familiar with the subject will not regard me as condescending. Everyone has to start at some point. It should be remembered that records were kept and history written about the activities of the chiefs and noblemen. Little was written about ordinary people who formed the vast bulk of the population. We have to find what we can about them indirectly, for example from records of harvests kept on big estates. All of western civilization is derived from what happened in the various lands and regions in Western Europe after the decline and fall of the Western Roman Empire. Numerous warrior families poured across the old frontiers of the Empire and adapted themselves to the Roman way of life. Usually they adopted the Latin language, though in England they did not. As the political and military power of Rome declined another power developed, that of the Christian Church based on Rome. It kept literacy and the art of writing alive. The various post-Roman states were ruled by kings who depended on the Christian clergy for much of their administration, and indeed for their defence. This however led to prolonged disputes as to the limits of the authority of the religious and secular powers. These states were then subjected to prolonged attacks by pagan peoples like the Vikings and Huns from the north the south and the east. They gradually reorganised themselves to beat off the invaders. Central to this organisation was the castle and the mounted knight. The whole structure of society was re-formed on the basis of supporting these. At the same time there were attempts to get the clergy to lead lives different from those of knights and more in keeping with their religious vocation. The invaders were driven off. Those to the north and east accepted Christianity and developed their states on the latest western European lines. Only in the south, in Spain and Africa did the threat remain. England, a former province of the Roman Empire was taken over by various Germanic-speaking families called Angles and Saxons and they at an early date, accepted Christianity. England suffered very heavily from the raiders from the north, the Vikings, but early in the 10th century succeeded in forming a unified kingdom and controlling the Vikings. In the 11th century the Anglo-Saxon rulers were overthrown by Normans from Normandy who introduced the feudal system of government which had grown up on the Continent. Ireland, though never a part of the Roman Empire, had accepted Christian missionaries in the 5th century and became a Christian country. It too suffered from the Viking invasions, and succeeded largely in overcoming them. Many of the Vikings remained in Ireland and brought many innovations to Ireland. As an island beyond an island Ireland was usually the last to keep up with developments. The Irish clergy began to try to adapt themselves to the standards of the new reform in Church affairs on the Continent. There was a fresh irruption into Irish affairs when some of the Norman king of Englands subjects were invited to take part in a struggle between Irish chiefs and were promised grants of land in Ireland. This would effectively have removed them from the authority of their feudal overlord, so he too went to Ireland to assert his authority over them. He received a general assent from the Norman knights, the Gaelic chiefs and the Irish bishops that he would be their feudal overlord and then departed. That might have been the end of the matter. For various reasons it became necessary to send more knights to Ireland to maintain the peace and to assert the kings authority. The knights for their part began to deve
This book presents a picture of Ireland in Tudor times, between 1509 and 1603 It deals with Europe in the sixteenth century, England, Irish Society, and Irish history of that period. This enables the reader to place Tudor Ireland in it proper context. The traditional distortions of nationalist propaganda are weeded out.
The companion volume to this one is now almost ready. This book deals with the social and economic aspects of Ireland in the pre-Famine period. The second volume (Ireland 1800-1850}deals with the political history of the same period. This book, Pre-Famine Ireland, grew out of a project I undertook, after completing my doctoral thesis, to read a copy of one or more Irish newspapers for every day between 1800 and 1850. This not only gave me contemporary perspectives on the period but also provided a wealth of information not otherwise readily available. Information, for example, on the courts, on the duties and responsibilities of officers, like mayors and sheriffs, how they were appointed, to whom they were responsible, and who was responsible for seeing they conducted themselves well; who conducted schools, what was taught in them, who managed schools for girls; long-forgotten religious disputes, and so on. It had been my intention to write a single volume on the history of the period, but the vast quantity of data I collected on social and economic conditions compelled me to gather it into a separate volume. The subject is so vast that in the course of a single volume only the barest outline of each topic can be given. There is no room for recounting different interpretations among scholars that belong more appropriately to more specialist publications. My aim is to provide a hand-book for the general reader or general student of Irish history, but also one into which the specialist may dip concerning matters not of their speciality. The period 1800 to 1850 in Irish history has not been particularly frequently or well researched. Distortions too were caused by the political objectives of the various writers. Facts were selected, omitted, or twisted to suit political objectives. Catholic or nationalist writers wrote with their own religious and political objectives in mind, and Protestants or loyalists likewise. Historians concentrated on the political struggles and conflicts, omitting investigation of other aspects of society, particularly the social and economic conditions and practices of the time. Some of these have long since vanished. Others are still with us but very much altered. Local government for example was drastically altered in the second half of the century. Some people too know institutions and customs only in their British or American forms. Nowadays, for the most part, historians take a much more objective approach, and the study of social and economic history has been developed. Social and economic institutions were well developed in Ireland in the early nineteenth century. It was not a primitive country, or yet one where a native population was ground down by colonial oppressors. The people, Catholics and Protestants, regarded themselves as living in a free and democratic country. There might be more freedom and democracy in America, but they considered that what they had was more suitable for their country, and congratulated themselves on having escaped the excesses of the French Revolution. Very few after 1800 looked for a republic. There was a free press and letters to the editor were particularly illuminating. There were great political struggles between Catholics and Protestants, but these were very similar to those between Republicans and Democrats in the United States later in the century, violence and all. Catholics in the nationalist party in Ireland and Catholics in Tammany Hall in the United States came from the same families. It was not an anti-colonial war. There were troubles and disturbances without doubt. Society was very unequal, and many rewards went to those already rich. But there was equality before the law and equality in business. Attempts were always made to remedy real grievances and numerous commissions of enquiry were appointed. Reliance was normally placed on the ordinary processes of the law. Extraordinary measures to deal with outbrea
Anyone studying or teaching Irish history, or who likely to be involved in discussions on the subject, should first get the facts straight. It is my aim to provide, as far as possible, the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, about one particular period. This book is a companion to my other book Pre-Famine Ireland: Social Structure. I had accumulated such a vast quantity of material, often from untouched sources, that I was unable to include it in one volume of reasonable size. So it was necessary to order all material of a social and economic character in one volume, and historical narrative in another. But in places, in explaining legislation for example I felt it necessary to give brief accounts of social, political, or economic circumstances. The period 1800 to 1850 in Irish history has not been particularly frequently or well researched. Distortions too were caused by the political objectives of the various writers. Facts were selected, omitted, or twisted to suit political objectives. Catholic or nationalist writers wrote with their own religious and political objectives in mind, and Protestants or loyalists likewise. To this day the contending factions in Northern Ireland defend their stances by reference to the version of history favoured by their own side. It has often been observed that truth is the first casualty in any conflict, but it is also true that the loss or distortion of truth causes the conflict. Ireland was not an abnormal country in 1800. It could in many ways be compared with the young United States, and the disparities in their wealth and size of population were nothing like what they were later to become. British influence in Ireland had commenced some centuries before it had in the American colonies, and in each case the influence went far beyond political influence. It spread to language customs and institutions. The Irish Parliament received from Britain relative independence in 1782, and the American colonies absolute independence in 1783. Ireland, like the United States, had an upper ruling Protestant elite, and a lower class largely excluded from positions of power. The big difference was that this underclass of coloured people was a minority in the United States, while in Ireland the excluded Catholics formed a majority. By 1829 Irish Catholics had largely achieved political equality with Protestants, while the American Negroes received political equality, by the standards of the time, in 1866. The independence of the Irish Parliament was ended in 1800 because it was realized that the ruling Protestant elite in Ireland would never give political equality to Catholics for precisely the same reasons that southern American States would never give political equality to Negroes. In an era when political corruption was rife the whites would have to bribe the blacks to get anything. Everyone knows what happened to the American Negroes after 1866 when the actual conditions for democratic participation was left to be determined by the individual states. Ireland, like the United States, in the first half of the century was largely at peace. Though a great war raged around it, it was not invaded. Like the United States, its efforts were directed towards the arts of peace. Like the United States also its population grew rapidly. Though America had ultimately a safety valve in the great prairies to its west, and possessed abundant minerals, much of its development in the first half of the century was in the mountainous and forested states of the east. The population expanded up the mountains and into the forests, and, as in Ireland, gradually refluxed either into the great cities, or into the lands to the west. The difference was that in the United States this migration was within the country, while for the Irish the great cities and better lands were outside her borders. Like in Britain and the United States the use of machinery in the textile industry led to
Anyone studying or teaching Irish history, or who likely to be involved in discussions on the subject, should first get the facts straight. It is my aim to provide, as far as possible, the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, about one particular period. This book is an addition to my other books Pre-Famine Ireland: Social Structure and Ireland 1800 to 1850. When writing these books I accumulated such a vast quantity of material, often from untouched sources and put it in these two volumes, one dealing with the history of the period and the other dealing with the social and economic aspects of the country at the time. But there was another story which emerged from the newspapers of the time and that was the struggle for Catholic Emancipation between the Catholic Relief Acts of 1793 and 1829. Invariably, in the post-Reformation period in Europe and in the European colonies laws were passed to enforce the religion of the state, and to extirpate if possible dissenting views. To a greater or lesser extent, the religious dissidents were excluded from all offices of state, all positions of importance in the armed forces, from all offices in towns and counties. In some places, though not in all, the very practice of the religion was prohibited. This was the case in England, though not in Ireland. The dissident religion could be attacked in a different way, namely by prohibiting endowments to be made for its institutions. So, for example, Catholic schools could not be endowed. Above all, laws concerning succession to real property or estate could be made to benefit those conforming to the states religion. Though this book is dealing with the repeal of laws against Catholics in a Protestant country, it should be remembered that there was nothing in Ireland comparable to the Inquisition in Spain or the revocation of the Edict of Nantes in France. The policies of the mother country were faithfully followed in their colonies, both in North and South America. In the course of the eighteenth century, the old intolerance began to decline, and many of the laws against religion were relaxed or abolished. In Ireland, by 1793, most of the laws concerning the practice of religion and the tenure of land had been removed. But they were still excluded from the major offices of state, from the Established Churches, from the higher ranks in the armed forces, from the higher positions in the law courts, from the executive positions in towns and counties, and above all from Parliament. When the Catholic Relief Act was passed in 1793, many thought that it would be only a few years until the remaining disabilities were removed. But the next Relief Act was not passed until 1829. This book describes the twists and turns of the story of the Grail, the object of an extended or difficult quest, with all its ups and downs, and twists and turns, its successes and its reverses. This story is not the simplified one of Irish Catholic nationalist mythology showing Daniel OConnell, aided only by the priests, overthrowing the so-called Protestant Ascendancy in Ireland. Indeed this book raises questions whether OConnells incessant interventions did more harm than good, and whether emancipation would have been granted more speedily if he had not tried to help. But it does throw an interesting light on the character of OConnell himself, who was, for good or evil, one of the outstanding characters in Ireland in the first half of the nineteenth century. Of the secondary characters who played their role in this struggle the first mention must go to Sir Edward Bellew. He was just an ordinary country gentleman, never a leader, but he played his part from the start to almost the end. He was noted for his good judgement and moderation, and was never driven away by the abuse heaped on him by the more unruly elements. The part played by Edward Hay who did his best to serve the fractious Catholic leaders should not be forgotte
This book presents a picture of Ireland in the 18th century from 1702 to 1800, the era of the so-called Protestant Ascendancy and the Penal Laws. It deals with Irish Society, and Irish history of that period. Every effort has been made to remove the traditional distortions of Catholic nationalist propaganda. Irish Protestants are regarded as Irishmen and their achievements are regarded as Irish achievements. The darker sides of the period are not ignored.
Irish society and economy is studied objectively in this book as if it were a society in a distant region or in the distant past. The distortions of nationalist anti-British propaganda are removed. In particular the failure of the various separatist movements to devise an ideology which could unite and rally all the people of Ireland behind them is described. Ireland is analysed as a sociologist analyses societies and using the materials that a sociologist uses. Irish society is placed in the context of its time and place. It was one of the societies on either side of the North Atlantic Ocean. These countries were all to a greater or lesser degree developing their industries, improving their roads, building their railways, extending their trade, enlarging their towns and cities, deepening and expanding their ports, and modernising their institutions. Though religion was strong in all of them, new currents of thought, often derived from the American and French Revolutions, were being spread everywhere. It was largely an English-speaking society and its institutions were those of common law countries. As this study shows Ireland was a typical member of this group of nations. It was not the most advanced, but it was far from being the most backward. Some of the Nordic countries for example, were only beginning to follow Irelands path of development. There is no evidence that membership of the United Kingdom hindered or retarded this development. The Irish however being closely linked to England always compared their progress with that of England which was a mistake. The 19th century was Englands century, as the 15th century was Italys. What caused the Industrial Revolution where handcrafts gave way to the production by machinery to occur earlier in England than elsewhere is a subject that fascinates historians. How England came to possess the largest empire in modern times is another fascinating question. Why English institutions, a free press, a parliamentary democracy, religious tolerance, methods of education, and most modern sports came to be imitated is another one. The fact was that in the 19th century great parts of the world looked to Britain to see how they could modernise their societies and improve their economies. Ireland did likewise, and from an earlier date but never so successfully. Why Ireland was not as successful as Britain is not easily explained. Lack of coal and iron is not the explanation for some of Irelands leading industries like linen, shipbuilding, rope-making and tobacco manufacture were developed from imported materials. Likewise in England, industries which depended largely on craftsmanship like the pottery industry flourished. Nor was Irelands backwardness relative to England caused by oppressive law or restrictions for within the United Kingdom all operated under the same rules. Nor can the Catholic religion of Ireland be adduced as a cause, for most Irish businessmen were Protestants. It is not the purpose of this book to ask or settle these questions, but the simpler one of describing the facts of Irish society as it was, and to remove the distortions of propaganda. When one studies the actual facts it becomes clear that not only was Ireland neither oppressed nor backward but was actually one of the most advanced countries in the world at the time as progress was understood in the 19th century. Ireland by 1850 was already a well-developed modern society, more advanced than most countries in Europe. The period up to 1920 was one of increasing prosperity, and increasing social improvement. Every new development in the various aspects of society, industry, agriculture, communications, science and education, social improvements were all adopted. In this book I concentrate on the achievements that Irishmen can be proud of. One can look at Irish industrial achievements. Belfast showed how ships on the North Atlantic run should be built and fitted out. The greatest linen industry in the
Redmond on Dismissal Law, 3rd edition (previous edition titled: Dismissal Law in Ireland) explains the workings of dismissal law (wrongful and unfair) and details the introduction of the new Workplace Relations Commission. The Irish Government's Workplace Relations Reform Programme delivered a two-tier Workplace Relations structure by merging the activities of the National Employment Rights Authority, the Labour Relations Commission, the Equality Tribunal and the first instance functions of the Labour Court and the Employment Appeals Tribunal into a new Body of First Instance, the Workplace Relations Commission (WRC). The WRC provides a single portal of entry for all employment and equality related information requests, and employment and equality rights complaints and referrals. It also plays a key role in encouraging employers and employees to resolve issues at workplace level thereby reducing the number of cases going forward for inspection or adjudication. The book is useful to both practitioners and students in detailing how the law works and how the new system works. The book covers all relevant legislation, including the many amendments to the Unfair Dismissals Act 1977, and it provides expert guidance for employers and employees on their respective rights and legal obligations regarding termination of employment under the common law as well as unfair dismissals legislation. Includes coverage of the Industrial Relations (Amendment) Act 2012, the Industrial Relations (Amendment) Act 2015 and Workplace Relations Act 2015.
This issue of Endocrinology and Metabolism Clinics of North America provides the endocrinologist with essential updates on treatment of type 1 diabetes, with an eye toward future trends and developments. The Guest Editors brought together a remarkable group of notable authors, such as Paul Robertson, President of the National Diabetes Association. Topics covered include epidemiology; economics; contemporary management; inpatient management; update on insulin pumps and continuous glucose monitoring systems; update on studies aimed at interdicting and preventing type 1 diabetes; advances in the prediction, natural history, and mechanisms leading to type 1 diabetes; complications; hypoglycemia in type 1 diabetes; new lessons from animal models; the role of the gut in the genesis of type 1 diabetes and other autoimmune diseases; and an update on transplantation for reversing type 1 diabetes.
Annotation Specialist Periodical Reports provide systematic and detailed review coverage of progress in the major areas of chemical research. Written by experts in their specialist fields the series creates a unique service for the active research chemist, supplying regular critical in-depth accounts of progress in particular areas of chemistry. For over 80 years the Royal Society of Chemistry and its predecessor, the Chemical Society, have been publishing reports charting developments in chemistry, which originally took the form of Annual Reports. However, by 1967 the whole spectrum of chemistry could no longer be contained within one volume and the series Specialist Periodical Reports was born. The Annual Reports themselves still existed but were divided into two, and subsequently three, volumes covering Inorganic, Organic and Physical Chemistry. For more general coverage of the highlights in chemistry they remain a 'must'. Since that time the SPR series has altered according to the fluctuating degree of activity in various fields of chemistry. Some titles have remained unchanged, while others have altered their emphasis along with their titles; some have been combined under a new name whereas others have had to be discontinued. The current list of Specialist Periodical Reports can be seen on the inside flap of this volume.
Microneedles can be used for delivery of a wide range of drug substances for practically any medical condition and present a real opportunity for vaccines and medicines that are unsuitable for oral administration or conventional patch delivery. Microneedle-mediated Transdermal and Intradermal Drug Delivery covers the major aspects relating to the use of microneedle arrays in enhancing drug delivery applications. It provides an overview of the various methods employed to design and produce microneedles, from the different materials involved to the importance of application methods. It carefully and critically reviews ongoing transdermal and intradermal delivery research using microneedles and includes the outcomes of in vivo animal and human studies. Importantly, it also discusses the safety and patient acceptability studies carried out to date. Finally, the book reviews the recent patents in microneedle research and describes the ongoing developments within industry that will determine the future of microneedle-mediated transdermal and intradermal drug delivery. By an expert author team with practical experience in the design and development of drug delivery systems this is the only text that provides a comprehensive review of microneedle research in transdermal and intradermal drug delivery.
In this pathbreaking and provocative analysis of the aesthetics of law, the historian, legal theorist, and musician Desmond Manderson argues that by treating a text, legal or otherwise, as if it were merely a sequence of logical propositions, readers miss its formal and symbolic meanings. Creatively using music as a model, he demonstrates that law is not a sterile, rational structure, but a cultural form to be valued and enhanced through rhetoric and metaphors, form, images, and symbols. To further develop this argument, the book is divided into chapters, each of which is based on a different musical form. Law, for Manderson, should strive for neither coherence nor integrity. Rather, it is imperfectly realized, constantly reinterpreted, and always in flux. Songs without Music is written in an original, engaging, and often humorous style, and exhibits a deep knowledge of both law and music. It successfully traverses several disciplines and builds an original and persuasive argument for a legal aesthetic. The book will appeal to a broad readership in law, political theory, literary criticism, and cultural studies.
This thoroughly revised edition of Gestalt Counselling introduces the fundamental concepts of Gestalt and systematically demonstrates how to apply and use these in practice. Taking a relational perspective, the expert authors explore how Gestalt can be used in a wide variety of ′helping conversations′ from counselling, psychotherapy and coaching to mentoring, managing, consulting and guiding. A Each chapter contains case examples from the therapeutic world and a ′running case study′ featuring ongoing coaching work moves throughout the book, with diagrams and lists for further reading making this the ideal text for use in training. The accessible, engaging writing style will appeal to undergraduates and postgraduates alike. Charlotte Sills is a practitioner and supervisor in private practice, a tutor at Metanoia Institute and a tutor and supervisor of coaching at Ashridge CollegeBusiness School. She is the author or co-author of many books and articles on therapeutic work. Phil Lapworth is a counsellor, psychotherapist and supervisor in private practice near Bath and has written extensively in the field of counselling and psychotherapy. Billy Desmond is a Gestalt psychotherapist, executive coach and organisational development consultant. He is a member of Ashridge College and a Programme Director of Partnering and Consulting in ChangeHead of the Gestalt Department at Metanoia Insititute, and tutor and consultant at Ashridge Business School.
In Be Amazing, drag kid Desmond is Amazing walks you through the history of the LGBTQ community, all while encouraging you to embrace your own uniqueness and ignore the haters. Desmond is amazing—and you are, too. Throughout history, courageous people like Marsha P. Johnson, Sylvia Rivera, and RuPaul have paved the way for a safer, more inclusive society for LGBTQ individuals, and it’s thanks to them that people just like Desmond can be free to be who they really are. Featuring illustrations by Dylan Glynn
Thank you for visiting our website. Would you like to provide feedback on how we could improve your experience?
This site does not use any third party cookies with one exception — it uses cookies from Google to deliver its services and to analyze traffic.Learn More.