Colombia’s response to the country’s drug problem has been based on the repression of the weakest links in the drug chain—namely consumers and small farmers—which has led to disproportionate rates of imprisonment and has involved a heavy focus on forced crop eradication. Not only has such an approach failed to effectively control the cocaine market, but it has also unleashed harmful side effects in terms of security, social development, and human rights as they concern communities in coca-growing areas. Moreover, although scholars and practitioners have analyzed Colombia’s drug problem from a variety of perspectives, these efforts have tended to overlook women’s experiences. This report explores the ways that rural norms, gender structures, the armed conflict, and illegal markets have played out in the lives of women coca growers in Colombia’s Andes-Amazon region, an area distinguished by the presence of illegal armed groups, violence, poverty, and weak state institutions. In this region of Colombia, coca cultivation has offered an important source of income for rural families, which in turn has affected women’s roles in society and has placed them in a vulnerable position vis- à-vis armed actors. The Andes-Amazon region is an area where the country’s war on drugs and its armed conflict converged and unmasked the gender structures dominating the countryside. These structures affected rural women in various ways: through everyday violence, the fumigation of illicit and licit crops alike, and women’s stigmatization due to their involvement in an illegal trade. But coca was also a source of livelihood that helped them attain economic independence and gave them the ability to improve their well-being and that of their families. The recent peace accord signed between the Colombian government and the country’s main guerrilla group represents a historic opportunity to learn from past mistakes in terms of the illicit crop problem and the social and political demands of coca-growing communities. Against this backdrop, it is time to recognize the contributions that women coca growers have made in both the public and the private spheres toward the construction of a peaceful countryside in the most remote and forgotten regions of the country.
This document is the result of a project developed by Dejusticia in cooperation with the Ministry of Justice and Law of Colombia and the British Embassy in Colombia, with funds from the United Kingdom through its embassy in Colombia. During 2016, two historic events were held to reflect about drug strategies in Colombia: the United Nations Special Session on the World Drug Problem (UNGASS 2016) and the signing of the Peace Agreement between the Government and the FARC-EP, which includes the agreement on the “Solution to the problem of illicit drugs”. In light of the commitments made by the Colombian State, there are challenges and possibilities for drug policy reform, particularly when hoping to achieve a better balance between a criminalization perspective and the recognition and guarantee of rights to populations affected by prohibition’s harmful effects. This balancing exercise calls for incorporating the lens of the 2030 Sustainable Development Agenda and its Objectives, as well as for integrating the sectors of defense, rural and agrarian development, protection and sustainable use of environmental resources, health and education, together with the efforts of peacebuilding in the territories most affected by war and drug trafficking. To achieve the goals proposed in these documents, the role of the international community in the coming years will be fundamental. The United Kingdom Embassy, concerned to broaden its horizons of cooperation, offers to share lessons learned and experiences hoping to improve institutional capacities to meet the challenges of organized crime, rural development, and the prevention and treatment of drug use. Thus, this document presents recommendations for cooperation between these two governments in the light of agreed obligations as well as opportunities to harmonize drug policy and peacebuilding.
The debate about regulating cannabis for adult use is on the public agenda. In our view, the best policy on marijuana that a State can develop is the regulation of its cultivation, manufacture and use, focused on reducing marijuana’s comparative impact in illegal economies and drug trafficking networks; protecting public health; promoting rural development in prioritized areas; and promoting reparation measures financed with the resources arising from regulation. Drugs are not the devil, but nor are they child’s play. A drug policy that would be respectful of human rights and safeguard public health must lie at an intermediate point between full liberalization and the prohibition currently in place. In this document, based on a comparative analysis of the regulations issued in Uruguay, Canada and the United States and by applying the Principles and Guidelines for Human Rights in Fiscal Policy, we argue for the importance of a fiscal framework based on collecting taxes in the cannabis market and focused on mobilizing the maximum amount of available resources to finance the goals of reducing the illegal market, preserving public health and assisting the populations affected by drug policy, as set forth in the cannabis regulations.
The war on drugs has been a failure: even though more people have been incarcerated, accused of drug crimes, the consumption of substances hasn’t reduced, the narcotic traffic keeps growing and the violence associated to it has increased. The drug policy in Colombia has focused on criminalizing and imprisoning the lowest-ranking members of the drug trade, who are mainly poor people that occupy a marginal relationship with the business and with society. And there is a particular tendency for single mothers, who haven’t been able to find a formal job, to get involved in the illegal drug trade networks, developing high-risk tasks which are poorly remunerated. This document, on the one hand, makes a diagnosis about the situation of women linked with drug crimes in Colombia and the impact that has in their lives and families. On the other hand, It also offers public policy recommendations aimed at mitigating incarceration’s disproportionate effects on these women, with an eye toward preventing such effects in the future.
The debate about regulating cannabis for adult use is on the public agenda. In our view, the best policy on marijuana that a State can develop is the regulation of its cultivation, manufacture and use, focused on reducing marijuana’s comparative impact in illegal economies and drug trafficking networks; protecting public health; promoting rural development in prioritized areas; and promoting reparation measures financed with the resources arising from regulation. Drugs are not the devil, but nor are they child’s play. A drug policy that would be respectful of human rights and safeguard public health must lie at an intermediate point between full liberalization and the prohibition currently in place. In this document, based on a comparative analysis of the regulations issued in Uruguay, Canada and the United States and by applying the Principles and Guidelines for Human Rights in Fiscal Policy, we argue for the importance of a fiscal framework based on collecting taxes in the cannabis market and focused on mobilizing the maximum amount of available resources to finance the goals of reducing the illegal market, preserving public health and assisting the populations affected by drug policy, as set forth in the cannabis regulations.
Colombia’s response to the country’s drug problem has been based on the repression of the weakest links in the drug chain—namely consumers and small farmers—which has led to disproportionate rates of imprisonment and has involved a heavy focus on forced crop eradication. Not only has such an approach failed to effectively control the cocaine market, but it has also unleashed harmful side effects in terms of security, social development, and human rights as they concern communities in coca-growing areas. Moreover, although scholars and practitioners have analyzed Colombia’s drug problem from a variety of perspectives, these efforts have tended to overlook women’s experiences. This report explores the ways that rural norms, gender structures, the armed conflict, and illegal markets have played out in the lives of women coca growers in Colombia’s Andes-Amazon region, an area distinguished by the presence of illegal armed groups, violence, poverty, and weak state institutions. In this region of Colombia, coca cultivation has offered an important source of income for rural families, which in turn has affected women’s roles in society and has placed them in a vulnerable position vis- à-vis armed actors. The Andes-Amazon region is an area where the country’s war on drugs and its armed conflict converged and unmasked the gender structures dominating the countryside. These structures affected rural women in various ways: through everyday violence, the fumigation of illicit and licit crops alike, and women’s stigmatization due to their involvement in an illegal trade. But coca was also a source of livelihood that helped them attain economic independence and gave them the ability to improve their well-being and that of their families. The recent peace accord signed between the Colombian government and the country’s main guerrilla group represents a historic opportunity to learn from past mistakes in terms of the illicit crop problem and the social and political demands of coca-growing communities. Against this backdrop, it is time to recognize the contributions that women coca growers have made in both the public and the private spheres toward the construction of a peaceful countryside in the most remote and forgotten regions of the country.
The war on drugs has been a failure: even though more people have been incarcerated, accused of drug crimes, the consumption of substances hasn’t reduced, the narcotic traffic keeps growing and the violence associated to it has increased. The drug policy in Colombia has focused on criminalizing and imprisoning the lowest-ranking members of the drug trade, who are mainly poor people that occupy a marginal relationship with the business and with society. And there is a particular tendency for single mothers, who haven’t been able to find a formal job, to get involved in the illegal drug trade networks, developing high-risk tasks which are poorly remunerated. This document, on the one hand, makes a diagnosis about the situation of women linked with drug crimes in Colombia and the impact that has in their lives and families. On the other hand, It also offers public policy recommendations aimed at mitigating incarceration’s disproportionate effects on these women, with an eye toward preventing such effects in the future.
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