This book is about not just the effects but the making of U.S. foreign policy. It shows how advocates of basing U.S. relations on progress toward democracy struggle in Washington with advocates of support for repressive regimes in return for economic benefits such trade, investment, and mineral resources and military benefits such as access to their territory for U.S. armed and covert forces. By arguing that the outcome of this struggle is determined by the average citizen's position, the book makes readers participants rather than observers. By arguing that a "cultural pump" constantly promotes a vision of American domination as a positive force in the world, it encourages readers to analyze the day-to-day effect of this vision on their own perceptions. Intended for a general audience, the book features enough inside tales and colorful characters to intrigue the casual reader, but also provides the clear themes and historical context needed for a high school or college text on U.S. policy after World War II toward the colonized, and then post-colonial countries.
This book: Provides extensive grounding in key issues of astrophysics, chemistry, biology and geophysics; over 150 images and illustrations; exercises for each chapter, ranging from straightforward calculation problems to more far-ranging research-oriented exercises; an online component for users that includes new exercises and a continually updated blog of late-breaking scientific news items, fully cross referenced with the book; and extensive bibliographies for each chapter."--BOOK JACKET.
This study of executive-branch decision making explores the conflict between the diplomatic and developmental mandates of U.S. foreign-aid programs on two levels. First, a given amount of programming funded for a country must be divided among various activities, some of which are directed toward long-term development while others encourage short-term diplomatic cooperation with U.S. initiatives. Second, individual federal agencies favor certain types of aid and are engaged in a constant struggle to preserve and expand their favored programs at the expense of others. Dr. Rossiter examines this conflict in a case study of the State Department's use of foreign-aid programs to induce the "frontline" states of southern Africa to cooperate with President Carter's initiative to resolve the civil war in Rhodesia/Zimbabwe. According to Dr. Rossiter, the Agency for International Development (AID) lost control over foreign aid in the region to the State Department because the constituency for development objectives was relatively weak, both inside and outside the U.S. government. He concludes by discussing the implications of AID's unsuccessful attempt to free itself from the State Department's control during the reorganization of the foreign-aid bureaucracy under President Carter.
America’s most challenged families are segregated into high-poverty schools. Despite a 20-year experiment in nationwide school reform, few students make it over the slippery bridge to the middle class. In this book you will meet the students, families, teachers, and administrators who struggle inside this failed system, and consider proposals to give them a fighting chance. Caleb Rossiter recounts his experiences as a math teacher of African-American 9th and 10th graders in the poorest wards of the nation's capital. He describes the obstacles facing teachers who are held accountable for the performance of students whose average skills are years below grade level. Rossiter, also a professor of statistics at American University, explains how the No Child Left Behind law allows school districts to use so-called “data-driven” measures of teacher and even "school" effectiveness that ignore learning deficiencies and behavior patterns that began before a child's first day in school. These measures violate basic norms of statistical analysis, yet are used to make comparisons and draw policy-level conclusions. He exposes the pretense of success claimed by “school reformers” who pressure teachers to award unearned grades and, if they won’t, paper over failure with imitation classes euphemistically termed "credit recovery." He then offers reasonable solutions that would enable children who attend school ready to learn to be freed from the disruption of poorly socialized peers, who can be better served in alternative settings.
This book is about not just the effects but the making of U.S. foreign policy. It shows how advocates of basing U.S. relations on progress toward democracy struggle in Washington with advocates of support for repressive regimes in return for economic benefits such trade, investment, and mineral resources and military benefits such as access to their territory for U.S. armed and covert forces. By arguing that the outcome of this struggle is determined by the average citizen's position, the book makes readers participants rather than observers. By arguing that a "cultural pump" constantly promotes a vision of American domination as a positive force in the world, it encourages readers to analyze the day-to-day effect of this vision on their own perceptions. Intended for a general audience, the book features enough inside tales and colorful characters to intrigue the casual reader, but also provides the clear themes and historical context needed for a high school or college text on U.S. policy after World War II toward the colonized, and then post-colonial countries.
This study of executive-branch decision making explores the conflict between the diplomatic and developmental mandates of U.S. foreign-aid programs on two levels. First, a given amount of programming funded for a country must be divided among various activities, some of which are directed toward long-term development while others encourage short-term diplomatic cooperation with U.S. initiatives. Second, individual federal agencies favor certain types of aid and are engaged in a constant struggle to preserve and expand their favored programs at the expense of others. Dr. Rossiter examines this conflict in a case study of the State Department's use of foreign-aid programs to induce the "frontline" states of southern Africa to cooperate with President Carter's initiative to resolve the civil war in Rhodesia/Zimbabwe. According to Dr. Rossiter, the Agency for International Development (AID) lost control over foreign aid in the region to the State Department because the constituency for development objectives was relatively weak, both inside and outside the U.S. government. He concludes by discussing the implications of AID's unsuccessful attempt to free itself from the State Department's control during the reorganization of the foreign-aid bureaucracy under President Carter.
This study of executive-branch decision making explores the conflict between the diplomatic and developmental mandates of U.S. foreign-aid programs on two levels. First, a given amount of programming funded for a country must be divided among various activities, some of which are directed toward long-term development while others encourage short-term diplomatic cooperation with U.S. initiatives. Second, individual federal agencies favor certain types of aid and are engaged in a constant struggle to preserve and expand their favored programs at the expense of others. Dr. Rossiter examines this conflict in a case study of the State Department's use of foreign-aid programs to induce the "frontline" states of southern Africa to cooperate with President Carter's initiative to resolve the civil war in Rhodesia/Zimbabwe. According to Dr. Rossiter, the Agency for International Development (AID) lost control over foreign aid in the region to the State Department because the constituency for development objectives was relatively weak, both inside and outside the U.S. government. He concludes by discussing the implications of AID's unsuccessful attempt to free itself from the State Department's control during the reorganization of the foreign-aid bureaucracy under President Carter.
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