Annotation Many analysts now believe that the growth of presidential war power relative to Congress is irreversible. This book contests that view. Buchanan focuses on diagnosing the origins of the problem and devising practical ways to work toward restoration of the constitutional balance of power between Congress and the president.
Lincoln’s First Crisis concerns five of the most consequential months in American history: December 1860 through April 1861. When Abraham Lincoln swore his oath as president, the United States was disintegrating. Seven states had seceded, and as many as eight seemed poised to join them, depending upon how the new president handled the secession crisis and its flashpoint: Fort Sumter in South Carolina, the heart of the rebellion. The fate of the republic hung in the balance. The Sumter crisis has been hotly debated and deeply researched for more than 150 years. In this thoughtful reassessment, William Bruce Johnson combines thorough research and the latest historiography with a litigator’s methodical analysis and a storyteller’s eye for meaningful detail. Shortly after taking office, Lincoln decided upon a plan to avoid war with the seceded states while keeping his inaugural promise to maintain a Union military presence in the South. Because he chose not to reveal his plan to anyone, rumors soon spread that he was simply afraid to act. One source of such rumors was Lincoln’s secretary of state, William Henry Seward. Resentful that Lincoln had deprived him of the Republican nomination and convinced that Lincoln lacked the political sophistication necessary to deal with the secession crisis, Seward decided to negotiate with the Confederacy on his own and in secret. General Winfield Scott, meanwhile, the Union’s most senior military officer, had for a decade depended upon Seward for political advice, and now considered himself under orders from Seward, not the president. Johnson traces how Seward and Scott sabotaged Lincoln’s plan. From this account, from his examination of various personalities (such as that of Fort Sumter’s commander, Major Robert Anderson), and from his granular research into aspects of the Order of Battle in Charleston, Johnson has here constructed a new narrative of this crucial period, culminating in a new theory of how and why the Civil War began as it did, and how and why, if the new president’s orders had been properly carried out by Seward and Scott, it might have been averted.
PRAISE FOR 1858 "Highly recommended-a gripping narrative of the critical year of 1858 and the nation's slide toward disunion and war...Readers seeking to understand how individuals are agents of historical change will find Chadwick's account of the failed leadership of President James Buchanan especially compelling." -G. Kurt Piehler, author of Remembering War the American Way "Chadwick's excellent history shows how the issue of slavery came crashing into the professional, public, and private lives of many Americans...Chadwick offers a fascinating premise: that James Buchanan, far from being a passive spectator, played a major role in the drama of his time. 1858 is a welcome addition to scholarship of the most volatile period of American history." -Frank Cucurullo, Arlington House, The Robert E. Lee Memorial As 1858 dawned, the men who would become the iconic figures of the Civil War had no idea it was about to occur: Jefferson Davis was dying, Robert E. Lee was on the verge of resigning from the military, and William Tecumseh Sherman had been reduced to running a roadside food stand. By the end of 1858, the lives of these men would be forever changed, and the North and South were set on a collision course that would end with the deaths of 630,000 young men. This is the story of seven men on the brink of a war that would transform them into American legends, and the events of the year that set our union on fire.
Nineteenth-century New York City was one of the most magnificent cities in the world, but also one of the most deadly. Without any real law enforcement for almost 200 years, the city was a lawless place where the crime rate was triple what it is today and the murder rate was five or six times as high. The staggering amount of crime threatened to topple a city that was experiencing meteoric growth and striving to become one of the most spectacular in America. For the first time, award-winning historian Bruce Chadwick examines how rampant violence led to the founding of the first professional police force in New York City. Chadwick brings readers into the bloody and violent city, where race relations and an influx of immigrants boiled over into riots, street gangs roved through town with abandon, and thousands of bars, prostitutes, and gambling emporiums clogged the streets. The drive to establish law and order and protect the city involved some of New York’s biggest personalities, including mayor Fernando Wood, police chief Fred Tallmadge, and journalist Walt Whitman. Law and Disorder is a must read for fans of New York history and those interested in how the first police force, untrained and untested, battled to maintain law and order.
With the conclusion of the Mexican War in 1848, the United States seemed poised to fulfill the manifest destiny that was on the lips of journalists and politicians. Yet, even before the war was over, tensions over the issue of slavery erupted. Slavery symbolized the social, cultural, constitutional, and economic differences that were dividing the North and South. Through four years of bloody civil war and the loss of over 600,000 lives, the American republic decided the fate of slavery, asserted the supremacy of the federal government over state authority, and began to grapple with the difficult issues of reconstruction. This work provides substantial biographical entries of 20 individuals who shaped and defined the debates during the Civil War period. Political and military figures, such as Abraham Lincoln and Robert E. Lee, writers such as Harriet Beecher Stowe, and abolitionist reformers, such as Frederick Douglass and George Fitzhugh, are included. With the conclusion of the Mexican War in 1848, the United States seemed poised to fulfill the manifest destiny that was on the lips of journalists and politicians. Yet, even before the war was over, tensions over the issue of slavery erupted. Slavery symbolized the social, cultural, constitutional, and economic differences that were dividing the North and South. Through four years of bloody civil war and the loss of over 600,000 lives, the American republic decided the fate of slavery, asserted the supremacy of the federal government over state authority, and began to grapple with the difficult issues of reconstruction. This work provides substantial biographical entries of 20 individuals who shaped and defined the debates during the Civil War period. Political and military figures, such as Abraham Lincoln and Robert E. Lee, writers such as Harriet Beecher Stowe, and abolitionist reformers, such as Frederick Douglass and George Fitzhugh, are included. Each biography provides a concise account of the subject's life, followed by an analysis of the figure's role and contribution to the central issues of the day, and concludes with a bibliography of secondary and primary sources available to students. An appendix of over 180 additional biographies highlights the lives of others who played a role in the debates of the Civil War.
This book tells the amazing story of Stirling’s history from earliest times to the modern day. Some of the most pivotal moments in Scottish history occurred in the city’s surroundings, including the greatest military victory in Scottish memory. Exactly 700 years ago, an English army marched into Scotland intent on crushing Scottish resistance once and for all. The site they chose for their attack was Bannockburn – where the Scottish troops were waiting for them. One of King Edward’s own knights captured the resolution of the Bruce’s men: ‘these men,’ he said, ‘will conquer or die.’ And conquer they did, shattering the English army and harrying them all the way back to the border. But there is more to central Scotland's premier city than one battle: illustrated with 120 pictures and filled with curious, interesting and quirky facts throughout, this book will interest anyone who knows and loves this part of Scotland.
Although she was renowned as a dancer and actress and as a power behind the throne in politics, "her true story has always been obscured by the web of lies that she herself contructed." The author draws on unpublished archives to reveal the truths.
During the 1860s, the Oregon and Santa Fe westward out of Independence Missouri were busy travel corridors providing seasonal business for wagon master, Clifford Stokes and his scout, Scott Buchanan. The wagon journey begins along the south fork of the Platte River where potential danger threatens from two unknown groups flanking the wagons while remaining hidden from view. One group is a Kiowa raiding party, the others are fleeing bank robbers in need of provisions. A traveling daughter bound for San Francisco becomes attracted to two men, a suave newspaper man where she is going, and a growing interest in the wagon scout in his element on the frontier. When tragedy strikes, a young worker on the wagon train studying for the ministry answers those difficult questions, why God uses life over death as His tool because of human rebellion. Woven within the novel are different human personalities including social prejudices, a powerful magnet as the story unfolds.
Originally published in 1985. This in-depth analysis of federal energy policy and politics in the oil and gas sector critically evaluates the National Energy Program, one of the most controversial and wide-ranging policy initiatives in Canadian history - an import case study. Bridging Canadian politics and public policy, the book gives an historical overview of the development of energy policy since 1945, examining the shifts in the balance of power between public and private energy interests. It presents the NEP’s positive and negative impacts on energy policy and the nature of political power.
Winner of the Pulitzer Prize and the National Book Award! A thrilling, page-turning piece of writing that describes the forces conspiring to tear apart the United States—with the disintegrating political processes and rising tempers finally erupting at Bull Run. " . . . a major work by a major writer, a superb recreation of the twelve crucial months that opened the Civil War." —The New York Times
Livable Streets 2.0 offers a thorough examination of the struggle between automobiles, residents, pedestrians and other users of streets, along with evidence-based, practical strategies for redesigning city street networks that support urban livability. In 1981, when Donald Appleyard's Livable Streets was published, it was globally recognized as a groundbreaking work, one of the most influential urban design books of its time. Unfortunately, he was killed a year later by a speeding drunk driver. This latest update, Livable Streets 2.0, revisited by his son Bruce, updates the topic with the latest research, new case studies, and best human-centered practices for creating more livable streets for all. It is essential reading for those who influence future directions in city and transportation planning, urban design, and community regeneration, and placemaking. - Incorporates the most current empirical research on urban transportation and land use practices that support the need for more livable communities - Includes recent case studies from around the world on successful projects, campaigns, programs, and other efforts - Contains new coverage of vulnerable populations
One of Hollywood's biggest personalities, Bruce Dern is not afraid to say what he thinks. He has left an indelible mark on numerous projects, from critically acclaimed films to made-for-TV movies and television series. His notable credits include The Great Gatsby (1974), The 'Burbs (1989), Monster (2003), Django Unchained (2012), and Nebraska (2013), for which he won the Best Actor award at the 2013 Cannes Film Festival. He also earned Oscar nominations for Best Supporting Actor in Coming Home (1978) and for Best Actor in Nebraska (2013). In Bruce Dern: A Memoir, Christopher Fryer and Robert Crane help the outspoken star frame the fascinating tale of his life in Hollywood. Dern details the challenges he faced as an artist in a cutthroat business, his struggle against typecasting, and his thoughts on and relationships with other big names in the industry, including Elia Kazan, Alfred Hitchcock, Jack Nicholson, Paul Newman, Bob Dylan, Matt Damon, Jane Fonda, John Wayne, and Tom Hanks. He also explores the impact of his fame on his family and discusses his unique relationship with his daughter, actress Laura Dern. Edgy and uncensored, this memoir takes readers on a wild ride, offering an insider's view of the last fifty years in Hollywood.
In the eleventh century there was no such identity as Scotland. The Scots were one of several peoples in the Kingdom of the King of Scots: the Picts may have faded away, but English, British, Galwegians were still distinct and Anglo-Normans were soon to be added. On the eve of the Reformation, five centuries later, Scotland was one of the most fiercely self-conscious nations in Europe. How this came about is the theme of this study.
The ubiquity of computer-generated imagery around us, in movies, advertising or on the Internet is already being taken for granted and what impresses most people is the photorealistic quality of the images. Pictures, as we have often been told, are worth a thousand words and the information transported by an image can take many different forms. Man
For more than twenty years, John Milton Bernhisel negotiated with the federal government on behalf of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. Bruce W. Worthen illuminates the life and work of the man whose diplomacy steered the Church’s relationship with Washington, D.C. from its early period of dangerous conflict to a peaceful and pragmatic coexistence. Having risen from a Pennsylvania backcountry upbringing to become a respected member of the upper class, Bernhisel possessed a personal history that allowed him to reach common ground with politicians and other outsiders. He negotiated for Joseph Smith’s life and, after the Church’s relocation to the Utah Territory, took on the task of rehabilitating the public image of the Latter-day Saints. Brigham Young’s defiance of the government undermined Bernhisel’s work, but their close if sometimes turbulent relationship ultimately allowed Bernhisel to make peace with Washington, secure a presidential pardon for Young, and put Utah and the Latter-day Saints on the road to formally joining the United States.
This book is a thorough study of all known guerrilla operations in Civil War Missouri from January through August 1864. It explores the various tactics each side used to try to gain advantage, with regional differences affected by the differing personalities of commanders. The author utilizes both well-known and obscure sources (military and government records, private accounts, county and other local histories, period and later newspapers, and secondary sources published after the war) to identify which Southern partisan leaders and groups operated in which areas of Missouri, and describe how they operated and how their kinds of warfare evolved. This work presents the actions of Southern guerrilla forces and Confederate behind-Union-lines recruiters chronologically by region to reveal the relationship of seemingly isolated events to other events. The book also studies the counteractions of an array of different types of Union troops to show how differences in training, leadership and experience affected actions in the field.
The image of a prison with a revolving door helped George Bush win the presidency in 1988, but did negative advertising damage the electoral process itself? Why did campaign ’88 represent an all-time low in the minds of many voters? These are some of the questions that impel this thought-provoking analysis of the 1988 presidential election, sponsored by the John and Mary R. Markle Foundation. Using extensive empirical studies of the candidates, the media, and the voters, Bruce Buchanan, executive director of the Markle Commission on the Media and the Electorate, traces the roots of popular dissatisfaction with the 1988 election. Buchanan argues that the campaign drifted too far from popular ideals of how democratic processes ought to work—that the substitution of negative advertising and quickie “sound bites” for reasoned debate on national problems and issues alienated much of the electorate, causing the lowest voter turnout in sixty-four years. Negative campaigning, however, cannot bear the full blame for the 1988 election. While the Markle Commission offers specific recommendations for improvements in candidate and media performance, the great need, says Buchanan, is for voters to reclaim the electoral process, to insist that candidates and the media give enough information about positions and programs for voters to make informed choices. Voters need to be educated out of the idea that democratic elections and representative government can somehow occur without the participation of ordinary citizens. At a time when the American democratic process is being used as a model by newly independent nations around the world, it is particularly appropriate to ask how well it works at home. Electing a President does just that.
Do we get the best presidential candidates to run and elect the presidents we deserve as a nation? If not, why not? Could it have something to do with the quality of campaigns in American politics today? Noted presidential scholar Bruce Buchanan puts the 1996 presidential election campaign in context with the campaigns of 1988 and 1992, making the case that 'good' campaigns--especially those with issue-oriented media coverage and positive campaign advertisements--do make a difference in the quality and quantity of citizen participation, policy input and output, and overall good governance. Perfect for college courses on campaigns and elections and on the presidency, this book looks ahead to future election campaigns with a hope for creating a nation of 'citizen owners and lovers' of the political process, not to mention candidates and media coverage worthy of citizen involvement and attention.
The untold story of the drama, controversy, and incredible political genius of Lincoln's first presidential campaign In May of 1860, Republican delegates gathered in Chicago for their second-ever convention, with the full expectation of electing William Seward their next presidential candidate. But waiting in the wings was a dark horse no one suspected, putting the final touches on a plan that would not only result in a most unexpected candidacy, but the most brilliant, innovative, and daring presidential campaign in American history. He went by the name of Lincoln. Lincoln for President is the incredible story of how Lincoln overcame overwhelming odds to not only capture his party's nomination but win the presidency. His amazingly modern strategy included the first media campaign blitz, convention tactics that originated the concept of "Chicago politics," and a deft manipulation of the electoral college. His bold tactics changed forever the way presidential campaigns are won…not to mention the course of American history. PRAISE FOR BRUCE CHADWICK Triumvirate: "Dr. Chadwick tells an exciting story… His analysis will provoke further debate about this momentous period in American history." Dr. Paul Clemens, Chairman of the Rutgers University Department of History "In this remarkable new book, Bruce Chadwick reminds us of the three extraordinary men who worked state by state, individual by individual, to ensure passage of the Constitution. It's a fascinating tale, well told." Terry Golway, author of Washington's General and Ronald Reagan's America 1858: "This book is a gem." Curled Up With a Good Book "A gripping narrative." Kurt Piehler, author of Remembering War the American Way The First American Army: "To understand the Revolutionary War, really understand it, read this book." Dave R. Palmer, Lieutenant General, U.S. Army (Ret); author of The Way of the Fox George Washington's War: "Chadwick pierces the fog of myth that has always surrounded our nation's father." Michael Aaron Rockland, professor, Rutgers University
On October 16, 1859, John Brown led a raid on the federal arsenal at Harpers Ferry, leaving 15 people dead. An intricate mosaic of alternating voices, "Raising Holy Hell" is an explosive, multi-textured evocation of the visionary madness of the man who saw an America damned by the sin of slavery.
That St. Louis Thing is an American story of music, race relations and baseball. Here is over 100 years of the cityOs famed musical development -- blues, jazz and rock -- placed in the context of its civil rights movement and its political and ecomomic power. Here, too, are the cityOs people brought alive from its foundation to the racial conflicts in Ferguson in 2014. The panorama of the city presents an often overlooked gem, music that goes far beyond famed artists such as Scott Joplin, Miles Davis and Tina Turner. The city is also the scene of a historic civil rights movement that remained important from its early beginnings into the twenty-first century. And here, too, are the sounds of the crack of the bat during a century-long love affair with baseball.
Professor Bruce I. Newman correctly points out that in this information age, a candidate and his staff can test a new issue or idea very quickly, and if it looks salable, arrange to have the candidate get it before the correct bloc of voters in a very short period of time. . . . Newman is also correct in noting that the political party, as an institution, is no longer as dominant in elections. . . . Political junkies will love this material. --Conservative Review The Marketing of the President documents how political candidates are marketed by the same sophisticated techniques that experts use to sell legal and medical services. Bruce I. Newman addresses issues of serious concern to the health of the political process as he examines the roles of polling, direct mail, 900 numbers, and television in advertising. Using the 1992 presidential election as a case study, this extraordinary volume reveals how the American political process has been transformed--for better or worse--by the use of marketing techniques.
A “powerful” (The Wall Street Journal) biography of one of the 19th century’s greatest statesmen, encompassing his decades-long fight against slavery and his postwar struggle to bring racial justice to America. Thaddeus Stevens was among the first to see the Civil War as an opportunity for a second American revolution—a chance to remake the country as a genuine multiracial democracy. As one of the foremost abolitionists in Congress in the years leading up to the war, he was a leader of the young Republican Party’s radical wing, fighting for anti-slavery and anti-racist policies long before party colleagues like Abraham Lincoln endorsed them. These policies—including welcoming black men into the Union’s armies—would prove crucial to the Union war effort. During the Reconstruction era that followed, Stevens demanded equal civil and political rights for Black Americans—rights eventually embodied in the 14th and 15th amendments. But while Stevens in many ways pushed his party—and America—towards equality, he also championed ideas too radical for his fellow Congressmen ever to support, such as confiscating large slaveholders’ estates and dividing the land among those who had been enslaved. In Thaddeus Stevens, acclaimed historian Bruce Levine has written a “vital” (The Guardian), “compelling” (James McPherson) biography of one of the most visionary statesmen of the 19th century and a forgotten champion for racial justice in America.
As a domestic policy advisor to Ronald Reagan, Bruce Bartlett was one of the originators of Reaganomics, the supply-side economic theory that conservatives have clung to for decades. In The New American Economy, Bartlett goes back to the economic roots that made Impostor a bestseller and abandons the conservative dogma in favor of a policy strongly based on what's worked in the past. Marshalling compelling history and economics, he explains how economic theories that may be perfectly valid at one moment in time under one set of circumstances tend to lose validity over time because they are misapplied under different circumstances. Bartlett makes a compelling, historically-based case for large tax increases, once anathema to him and his economic allies. In The New American Economy, Bartlett seeks to clarify a compelling and way forward for the American economy.
Mountains, streams, and strong families are the characteristics of Bakersville and the small towns that surround it in northern Mitchell County. For much of human history, people lived in small, rural trade centers where they knew everyone and helped each other, and families were the most important part of life. Bakersville was no exception. Fast-forward to the 21st century, and such places have faded from view. There may be an empty store, post office, or school, but there is little else in evidence of the vitality and lives of earlier citizens. Kona, Clarissa, Hawk, Tipton Hill, Buladean, Ledger, Bandana, and others had few economic opportunities left. Tobacco farming dissolved, factories moved abroad, mines closed, and most of the World War II generation and its descendants left for the military, college, and greener pastures. With smaller populations, all those public places were consolidated with others. It is those who settled and remained that are honored here.
Jansson documents how presidents from FDR to Clinton have made ill-advised choices that squandered trillions of dollars. Using Office of Management and Budget projections through 2004, Jansson shows how the madness continues--and how an informed electorate can put an end to it.
“A must-own title.” —National Review Online American Conservatism: An Encyclopedia is the first comprehensive reference volume to cover what is surely the most influential political and intellectual movement of the past half century. More than fifteen years in the making—and more than half a million words in length—this informative and entertaining encyclopedia contains substantive entries on those persons, events, organizations, and concepts of major importance to postwar American conservatism. Its contributors include iconic patriarchs of the conservative and libertarian movements, celebrated scholars, well-known authors, and influential movement activists and leaders. Ranging from “abortion” to “Zoll, Donald Atwell,” and written from viewpoints as various as those which have informed the postwar conservative movement itself, the encyclopedia’s more than 600 entries will orient readers of all kinds to the people and ideas that have given shape to contemporary American conservatism. This long-awaited volume is not to be missed.
This will help us customize your experience to showcase the most relevant content to your age group
Please select from below
Login
Not registered?
Sign up
Already registered?
Success – Your message will goes here
We'd love to hear from you!
Thank you for visiting our website. Would you like to provide feedback on how we could improve your experience?
This site does not use any third party cookies with one exception — it uses cookies from Google to deliver its services and to analyze traffic.Learn More.