The planned retirement in October 2003 of Dr Mahathir Mohamad, Prime Minister of Malaysia since July 1981, has occasioned many instant assessments of the Mahathir legacy. In contrast, this book takes a hard look at the long-term social transformation behind the dramatic politics of the Mahathir era. It ranges over issues of political economy, ideology, interethnic relations, the challenge of Islam and the complexities of leadership transition. Khoo Boo Teik explains how the Mahathir regimes's mid-1990's Asian values triumphalism was replaced by the turn-of-the-millenium pessimism and the spectre of a second Malay dilemma. He aims to bring to life Mahathir's predicaments, the contradictions in Anwar Ibrahim's chequered career, and the cultural imperatives behind the historic rise of the Alternative Front's rainbow coalition. The result is an informed lay reader's guide to the momentous, disturbing and even inspiring events which overturned easy assumptions about ethnic politics in Malaysia, tested the regime's economic management, revealed the vitality of cultural revolt, and raised fundamental questions about the directions of the country post-Mahathir.
Analyses discourses pertinent to democratic politics in Malaysia, including the political elite's interpretation of 'Asian values' and 'Asian democracy', contending Islamic views on democracy, the impact of developmentalism on political culture, and the recovery of women's voice in everyday politics.
Malaysia's 40-year strategy of 'poverty eradication' has met with a great deal of success, yet has caused controversy for its links to ethnically-oriented social restructuring. This book is a critical evaluation of changing policy regimes affecting Malaysia's development, record of industrialization, and efficacy in adapting social policies.
The failure of two expected transitions of leadership from Dr Mahathir Mohamad to Anwar Ibrahim (in 1998 and 2020) are traceable beyond their personal entanglements to the social divides and political currents of their time. The unrealized transitions are symptomatic of UMNO's dynamic of 'dysfunctional succession'. Under Mahathir, the party split. Under Najib, it was defeated. The condition persists as the current prime minister, Muhyiddin Yassin, has not even appointed a deputy prime minister after being in power for fifteen months. The unrealized transitions were a setback for a 'reform agenda', which Anwar Ibrahim articulated, but which emerged from dissident movements for diverse reforms. These movements helped the multiethnic, socially inclusive, opposition to win the 14th General Election. They are only seemingly dormant because of the pandemic. The Pakatan Harapan regime had the best chance to supply a fresh vision, deeper social understanding, and commitment to reform. The present Perikatan Nasional regime's fixation on 'Malayness' overlooks twenty years of intense intra-Malay conflicts that began with the failure of the first transition. As the '7th Prime Minister', Mahathir had a rare chance to redeem himself from major errors of his first twenty-two-year tenure. He squandered his chance by not honouring the Pakatan Harapan transition plan. Anwar Ibrahim's opponents mock him for being obsessed with wanting to be prime minister. Yet they obsessively fear his becoming prime minister. Anwar may be twice loser in political succession but 'the spectre of Anwar' still haunts Malaysian political consciousness.
Analyses discourses pertinent to democratic politics in Malaysia, including the political elite's interpretation of 'Asian values' and 'Asian democracy', contending Islamic views on democracy, the impact of developmentalism on political culture, and the recovery of women's voice in everyday politics.
Within the context of Malaysia's recent political history, it charts the evolution of Mahathir's complex world-view to reveal paradoxes, alternating patterns of consistency and contradiction, which help us understand his politics, policies, and personality. In biographical terms, it examines the legacy of Mahathir's youthful immersion in the Malay world, the class background to his religiosity, and the medical influence on his political style.
In late February 2020, the Mahathir Mohamad-led Pakatan Harapan (Harapan, or Pact of Hope) government ended abruptly. Amidst ensuing confusion, Muhyiddin Yassin led defecting Harapan Members of Parliament, joined by UMNO and PAS, in an ad hoc Perikatan Nasional (PN, or National Alliance) coalition to form a 'backdoor government'. The PN protagonists cast themselves as a 'Malay-Muslim front' for preserving Malay dominance. Yet they unwittingly exposed the parlous state of their 'Malay politics', as shown by an absence of 'Malay unity', strongly contested claims to represent the Malays, intense party factionalism, and subverted leadership transitions. The parlousness of Malay politics emerged from the failure of the Malay political class to meet many challenges between 1997 and 2018. As the New Economic Policy and Vision 2020 political orders shed their combined twenty-five-year hegemony, Malay politics could not recover its declining popular support and legitimacy, or craft a fresh, broadly supported settlement. The present is an unsettled conjuncture: the old order is passing while Harapan's experimental regime has been subverted. Yet Malay politics is unable to reform or tackle current issues authoritatively. Instead Malay politics has turned inwards and precipitated a disorder of the political system.
Anwar Ibrahim, Deputy Prime Minister of Malaysia, 1993-98, and Opposition Leader, 2008-15 and since March 2020, is associated with two lasting, seemingly contradictory images. Those were of the young Anwar as a radical Islamist for whom economics seemed not to matter, and as a pro-market reformer during the 1997 East Asian financial crisis for whom Islam no longer mattered.Yet there was economics in the young Anwar's Islam and, conversely, Islam in the mature man's economics. Between them lay certain 'moral ambivalences' that occupied Anwar during the pre-crisis period when economic growth, prosperity and ambitions were dogged by rent-seeking, corruption and institutional degradation. Anwar had expressed various thoughts on 'Islam and economics', notably when he was President of Angkatan Belia Islam Malaysia (ABIM, or Malaysian Islamic Youth Movement), Minister of Finance (1991-98), and leader of the post-Reformasi opposition. His thoughts formed the core of a 'humane economy' that he envisioned and advocated upon his return to active politics from 2006 onwards. The vision of a 'humane economy' holds personal, ideological and political significance at a specific political juncture in Malaysian history.
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