From the book's preface: Skya rgya is a farming village in A mdo, [Tibet] While Tibetans largely welcome the material benefits that have been brought to them by the march of modernity, it is also inevitable that many of their older traditions have come to be seen as outdated. By juxtaposing voices from earlier periods with those that reflect contemporary experiences, [the author] has provided us with a fascinating window onto the processes of change and development, as they are being experienced by Tibetans in this area. [The author's narratives give] us a direct and vivid insight into the lives, experiences and expectations of members of his home community. Fernanda Pirie The Centre for Socio-Legal Studies, Oxford University Also from the book's preface: Blo brtan rdo rje's honest rendering of the details of his family life . . . make this a page-turning account of life in a rural Tibetan area that is already vanishing. When Blo brtan rdo rje was young, there was not even a bridge to cross the Yellow River into Gcan tsha County. . . .After bridges were built in the late 1980s, life has been changing rapidly This is not to suggest that no change had come to this Tibetan village before this time, as the arrival of the troops of the Muslim warlord, Ma Bufang, prior to the Communist period are also documented here. The forced conversion of neighboring (down-valley) Tibetans to Islam was a crucial vehicle for the later commercial changes introduced in the 1990s. . . . this new book could serve as an important part of courses on Tibetan culture, cross-cultural studies of marriage and gender relations. I congratulate Blo brtan rdo rje and Kevin Stuart on this impressive contribution to Tibetan studies! Gray Tuttle Department of East Asia Languages and Cultures Columbia University From the author's introduction: I was born in 1979, the only son of a ten-people farming-herding family on [4.3 acres] of farmland on which we cultivate wheat, barley, peas, rapeseed, potatoes and a few vegetables for self-consumption. In 1985 my father (Rin chen bsod nams, b. 1954) put me on one of our several donkeys and the two of us set out for my paternal grandmother's (Phag mo sgrol ma, b. 1927) home in the mountains. . . .It took us most of the day to reach Grandmother's home, which was a single room where she lived, a long second room for the sheep and goats and a fenced area for the yaks. The area around Grandmother's cottage was mountainous. . . . There was no electricity. Rapeseed-oil lamps provided light at nights. Grandmother fetched water in a wooden bucket that she carried on her back from a transparent stream. . . . Bread with milk tea was our breakfast and lunch. We ate noodles with, sometimes, a few chunks of pork but rarely vegetables. I have three sisters. My elder sister . . . has twin, six year old sons who had not started school in 2006. . . . My two younger sisters are both university students and their school tuition has become a significant worry for my family. My parents have now moved to the local county town where they bought a cheap house with a small yard with the money they earned from selling our family's sheep and goats. Mother raises four milk mdzo mo (a female yak-cow cross) from which she earns an average of twenty-five yuan (about $3.50) per day by selling milk and yogurt in the street. Father does whatever temporary work he can find. . .that pays fifteen to twenty yuan per day ($2.15 to $2.86). . . .Kids from richer families call my mother 'Skya rgya Beggar' when they see her selling milk and yogurt in the bustling streets. This humiliates and causes much pain.
The Crystal Mirror of Philosophical Systems by Thuken Losang Chökyi Nyima (1737-1802) is probably the widest-ranging account of religious philosophies ever written in pre-modern Tibet. Thuken was a cosmopolitan Buddhist monk from Amdo, Mongol by heritage, Tibetan in education, and equally comfortable in a central Tibetan monastery or at the imperial court in Beijing. Like most texts on philosophical systems, his Crystal Mirror covers the major schools of India, both non-Buddhist and Buddhist, but then goes on to discuss in detail the entire range of Tibetan traditions as well, with separate chapters on the Nyingma, Kadam, Kagyü, Shijé, Sakya, Jonang, Geluk, and Bön. Not resting there, Thuken goes on to describe the major traditions of China-Confucian, Daoist, and Buddhist-as well as those of Mongolia, Khotan, and Shambhala. The Crystal Mirror is unusual, too, in its concern not just to describe and analyze doctrines, but to trace the historical development of the various traditions. All this makes the Crystal Mirror an eloquent, erudite, and informative textbook on the religious history and philosophical systems of an array of Asian cultures-and provides evidence that serious and sympathetic study of the history of religions has not been a monopoly of Western scholarship.
This work is an authoritative exposition of Candrakīrti's seventh-century classic Entering the Middle Way. Written primarily as a supplement to Nāgārjuna's Fundamental Verses on the Middle Way, Candrakīrti's text integrates the central insight of Nāgārjuna's thought-the rejection of any metaphysical notion of intrinsic, objective being-with the ethical and edifying elements of the Buddha's teachings. He undertakes this by correlating the progressive stages of insight into the emptiness of intrinsic existence with the well-known Mahayana framework of the ten levels of the bodhisattva. Completed the year before the author's death, Tsongkhapa's exposition of Candrakīrti's text is recognized by the Tibetan tradition as the final standpoint of Tsongkhapa on many of the questions of Buddhist Madhyamaka philosophy. Written in lucid exemplary Tibetan, Tsongkhapa's work presents a wonderful marriage of rigorous Madhyamaka philosophical analysis with a detailed and subtle account of the progressively advancing mental states and spiritual maturity realized by sincere Madhyamaka practitioners. The work is still used as the principal textbook in the study of Indian Madhyamaka philosophy in many Tibetan monastic colleges. Tsongkhapa's extensive writings on Madhyamaka philosophy, including the present text, ushered in a new phase of engagement with the philosophy of emptiness in Tibet, giving rise to a great flowering of literary activity on the subject by subsequent Tibetan scholars like Gyaltsab Jé, Khedrup Jé, and the First Dalai Lama, as well as the critiques of Taktsang Lotsāwa, Gorampa, Shākya Chokden, and Karmapa Mikyö Dorjé and the subsequent responses to these by Tsongkhapa's followers, such as Jamyang Galo, Jetsun Chökyi Gyaltsen, and Panchen Losang Chögyen"--
This book is of particular interest because it shows the presence of the Yogācāra (Mind Only) school in Tibet. It is well known that the Mādhyamaka school flourished in Tibet, but less well known that Yogācāra doctrines were also studied and practiced. The former school stresses the inexpressible ultimate; the latter, the natural luminosity of mind. This is probably the best introduction to the distinctive eight consciousness systems of Yogācāra. It also makes understandable the different meanings of the profound alaya-vijnana (the storehouse consciousness, or basis of all) that is the pivotal eighth consciousness in their system. For those interested in meditation, the author's introduction explains how earlier Tibetan meditation (the method of allowing mind to look into its own pure nature) uses the eight-consciousness system. The book is remarkable in that it addresses the problem of how a person trapped within the confines of a limited and deluded personality can transcend that state and attain liberation. By his inquiry into the process of transformation, Tsong kha pa makes profound comments which will interest those who ask whether enlightenment is a gradual process or a sudden breakthrough. Tsong kha pa (1357-1419) wrote extensively on nearly every aspect of Buddhist religious philosophy and practice. The text edited and translated here is the Yiddang kun gzhi dka'ba'iignas rgyacher'grel pa legs par bshad pa'i rgya mtsho, often referred to as the Commentary on the Difficult Points.
From the book's preface: Skya rgya is a farming village in A mdo, [Tibet] While Tibetans largely welcome the material benefits that have been brought to them by the march of modernity, it is also inevitable that many of their older traditions have come to be seen as outdated. By juxtaposing voices from earlier periods with those that reflect contemporary experiences, [the author] has provided us with a fascinating window onto the processes of change and development, as they are being experienced by Tibetans in this area. [The author's narratives give] us a direct and vivid insight into the lives, experiences and expectations of members of his home community. Fernanda Pirie The Centre for Socio-Legal Studies, Oxford University Also from the book's preface: Blo brtan rdo rje's honest rendering of the details of his family life . . . make this a page-turning account of life in a rural Tibetan area that is already vanishing. When Blo brtan rdo rje was young, there was not even a bridge to cross the Yellow River into Gcan tsha County. . . .After bridges were built in the late 1980s, life has been changing rapidly This is not to suggest that no change had come to this Tibetan village before this time, as the arrival of the troops of the Muslim warlord, Ma Bufang, prior to the Communist period are also documented here. The forced conversion of neighboring (down-valley) Tibetans to Islam was a crucial vehicle for the later commercial changes introduced in the 1990s. . . . this new book could serve as an important part of courses on Tibetan culture, cross-cultural studies of marriage and gender relations. I congratulate Blo brtan rdo rje and Kevin Stuart on this impressive contribution to Tibetan studies! Gray Tuttle Department of East Asia Languages and Cultures Columbia University From the author's introduction: I was born in 1979, the only son of a ten-people farming-herding family on [4.3 acres] of farmland on which we cultivate wheat, barley, peas, rapeseed, potatoes and a few vegetables for self-consumption. In 1985 my father (Rin chen bsod nams, b. 1954) put me on one of our several donkeys and the two of us set out for my paternal grandmother's (Phag mo sgrol ma, b. 1927) home in the mountains. . . .It took us most of the day to reach Grandmother's home, which was a single room where she lived, a long second room for the sheep and goats and a fenced area for the yaks. The area around Grandmother's cottage was mountainous. . . . There was no electricity. Rapeseed-oil lamps provided light at nights. Grandmother fetched water in a wooden bucket that she carried on her back from a transparent stream. . . . Bread with milk tea was our breakfast and lunch. We ate noodles with, sometimes, a few chunks of pork but rarely vegetables. I have three sisters. My elder sister . . . has twin, six year old sons who had not started school in 2006. . . . My two younger sisters are both university students and their school tuition has become a significant worry for my family. My parents have now moved to the local county town where they bought a cheap house with a small yard with the money they earned from selling our family's sheep and goats. Mother raises four milk mdzo mo (a female yak-cow cross) from which she earns an average of twenty-five yuan (about $3.50) per day by selling milk and yogurt in the street. Father does whatever temporary work he can find. . .that pays fifteen to twenty yuan per day ($2.15 to $2.86). . . .Kids from richer families call my mother 'Skya rgya Beggar' when they see her selling milk and yogurt in the bustling streets. This humiliates and causes much pain.
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