These writings have evolved properly over living many years on the planet and enjoying observations of my fellow man. It's about learning how to flow within the rhythm of all “LIFE FORMS” and laughing about silly things incredulous human beings do. It’s about loving the human race, and living everywhere on the planet at one time; it’s about you! Note: There is no intention on my part to be cogent as these writings have come about from a knowing heart! Upon using the words man and he, I am referring to the Homo Sapien species which include both male/female gender as we know it at the time of these writings.
This handbook not only provides a very wide-ranging introduction and orientation to the world of the Theatre of the Oppressed, but Birgit Fritz also presents concrete and practical assistance for structuring basic workshops in process-oriented theatre work and in developing Forum Theatre plays. Birgit Fritz explores the working principles of emancipatory theatre work and somatic learning in depth. She gives numerous examples of the work and life of theatre groups and reveals fascinating possibilities of how theatre for social change can be successfully linked with social and political commitment, so that artistic process can bring about cross-generational collaboration, develop social democracy, and operate as an active force for peace.
Hollywood can seem like a tricky beast, but the more you know about its wily ways, the less intimidating it is, and the more fun its wild nature will be. "Thriving in Hollywood!" is a compilation of 25 pieces written by 21 different women in the entertainment industry from the first year of msinthebiz.com. Whether you are brand new to the business or an industry veteran, "Thriving in Hollywood!" will keep you motivated, inspired and arm you with knowledge.
In the past two decades social scientists have tried to understand why, despite the high level of emergency posed by climate change, countries have persisted in not addressing the problem adequately. The goal of this dissertation is to contribute to answering this question by analyzing how domestic political-economic factors, such as interest groups and energy policy, affect a country's climate policy outcomes, and how those factors interact with larger structural factors, such as the size of the economy and institutional quality. This dissertation is organized in the form of three research papers, each paper attempts to answer the research questions proposed from a different perspective. The first paper asks how the interactions between climate activist coalitions, fossil fuel industry, and government preferences influence climate policy outcomes. It argues that countries with a strong climate activist coalition are more likely to have stronger climate policy outcomes, in countries with a strong fossil fuel industry or where the government controls the energy sector and provides large fossil fuel subsidies to consumer, the likelihood of weaker climate policy outcomes is larger. I use a quantitative approach where I select proxy variables to measure the strength of interest groups and government preferences. The findings of this paper suggest that countries have stronger climate policy outcomes when there is a strong climate activist coalition and a private energy sector, and weaker climate policy outcomes when there is a strong fossil fuel industry. The second paper asks how structural factors, such as the size and composition of the economy and the quality of political institutions, interact with domestic political-economic factors, such as interest groups and energy policy, to yield stronger or weaker climate policy outcomes. Using a fsQCA approach I analyze the factors present in countries with stronger climate policy outcomes. The findings of this paper suggest that the absence of high levels of oil rents collection and high fossil fuel production is almost always necessary for higher climate policy outcomes. The third paper asks how the different interest group systems interact with government policy preferences, and how this interaction affects climate policy outcomes. I argue that the competition for climate policy is shaped by two forces, the nature of the interest group system - pluralist versus concentrated - and the nature of the energy sector - nationalized versus private. The combination of two forces changes the influence of each actor leading to different climate policy outcomes. I investigate this argument by developing case studies of four climate policy processes in four representative countries using interviews, and primary data sources. I find that in countries with a nationalized energy sector the government is a more influential actor and may use climate policy to achieve its political goals. In addition, in countries with a more pluralist interest group system climate policy is the result of the competition of different actors for their preferred policy points.
This book is the first major study of industrialists and social policy in Latin America. Barbara Weinstein examines the vast array of programs sponsored by a new generation of Brazilian industrialists who sought to impose on the nation their vision of a rational, hierarchical, and efficient society. She explores in detail two national agencies founded in the 1940s (SENAI and SESI) that placed vocational training and social welfare programs directly in the hands of industrialist associations. Assessing the industrialists' motives, Weinstein also discusses how both men and women in Brazil's working class received the agencies' activities. Inspired by the concepts of scientific management, rational organization, and applied psychology, Sao Paulo's industrialists initiated wide-ranging programs to raise the standard of living, increase productivity, and at the same time secure lasting social peace. According to Weinstein, workers initially embraced many of their efforts but were nonetheless suspicious of employers' motives and questioned their commitment to progressivism. By the 1950s, industrial leaders' notion of the working class as morally defective and their insistence on stemming civil unrest at all costs increasingly diverged from populist politics and led to the industrialists' active support of the 1964 military coup.
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