Violence is not just physical; like everything in life, it bears spiritual implications. Thus, nonviolence offers more than just a method for resisting oppression. It offers a spiritual revolution – a way of seeking life to cultivate the reality of God’s kingdom in a world where the myth of redemptive violence is rampant. In this book, Dr Aung Htoo places Walter Wink’s political theology in conversation with both Aung San Suu Kyi and the work of Martin Luther King Jr. Locating this dialogue against the political backdrop of Myanmar’s history, Htoo explores the theological and political implications of nonviolence in the cultural context of the country’s people groups. He draws on the shared Buddhist and Christian foundation of commitment to loving kindness to suggest a new political reality for Myanmar – one in which its citizens work together for the transformation of their shared homeland. Ultimately, Htoo challenges Christians to dethrone the spirit of domination and bear witness to the holistic gospel in every aspect of their lives. This is an excellent resource for anyone interested in theology, peace studies, or the intersection between faith and politics.
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While facing international pressures relating to Rakhine State, and under tense civil–military relations, political parties are preparing for the 2020 Myanmar general elections. The National League for Democracy (NLD), the ruling party, is taking a more democratic platform focusing on the creation of a democratic federal union, while the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) adopts a more nationalist approach, emphasizing the prevention of foreign interference regarding Rakhine State. Taking lessons from the 2015 Myanmar general elections, and in order to effectively contend with the NLD and the USDP, the ethnic political parties are at the same time merging into single parties and new political parties are now also being registered at the Union Election Commission. The current situation indicates more uncertainty in politics and economic downturns, and many indicators suggest that the NLD is now in a defensive position. But be that as it may, because of Aung San Suu Kyi’s personality cult following and the ingrained hatred for the military dictatorship, the NLD is still expected to receive the majority seats in Bamar-dominated regions. It may be at risk in ethnic-dominated states nevertheless.
Since its independence in January 1948, Myanmar has tried to find a way to deal with (at one time) ideologically hostile and traditionally chauvinistic China which has pursued a foreign policy aimed at restoring its perceived influence in Myanmar. To counter China's attempts to influence Myanmar's foreign policy options has always been a challenge for the Myanmar government. Since the 1950s, successive Myanmar governments have realized that Myanmar's bilateral relations with the People's Republic of China should best be conducted in the context of promoting the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence, the Bandung spirit and the Pauk-Phaw (kinsfolk) friendship. The term Pauk-Phaw is exclusively devoted to denote the special nature of the Sino-Myanmar relationship. This work argues that Myanmar's relationship with China is asymmetric but Myanmar skilfully plays the "China Card" and it enjoys considerable space in its conduct of foreign relations. So long as both sides fulfill the obligations that come under "Pauk-Phaw" friendship, the relationship will remain smooth. Myanmar has constantly repositioned her relations with China to her best advantage. Myanmar's China policy has always been placed somewhere in between balancing and bandwagoning, and the juxtaposition of accommodating China's regional strategic interests and resisting Chinese influence and interference in Myanmar's internal affairs has been a hallmark of Myanmar's China policy. This is likely to remain unchanged.
Ever since Myanmar regained her independence in January 1948, the Tatmadaw (Myanmar Armed Forces) has been crucial in restoring and maintaining law and order. It is one of the most important institutions in Myanmar politics. Various aspects of the Tatmadaw have been studied. The most notable area of study has been the political role of the military. This study looks at the organizational development of the Myanmar armed forces. It analyses four different aspects of the Tatmadaw: military doctrine and strategy, organization and force structure, armament and force modernization, and military training and officer education. It sets out security perceptions and policies, charting developments in each phase against the situation at the time, and also notes the contributions of the leading actors in the process. Since early 1990s, the Tatmadaw has implemented a force modernization programme. This work studies rationales and strategy behind the force modernization programme and examines the military capabilities of the Tatmadaw. Drawing extensively from archival sources and existing literature, this empirically grounded research argues that, while the internal armed security threat to the state continues to play an important role, it is the external security threat that gives more weight to the expansion and modernization of the Tatmadaw since 1988. It also argues that, despite its imperfections, the Tatmadaw has transformed from a force essentially for counter-insurgency operations into a force capable of fighting in limited conventional warfare.
Violence is not just physical; like everything in life, it bears spiritual implications. Thus, nonviolence offers more than just a method for resisting oppression. It offers a spiritual revolution – a way of seeking life to cultivate the reality of God’s kingdom in a world where the myth of redemptive violence is rampant. In this book, Dr Aung Htoo places Walter Wink’s political theology in conversation with both Aung San Suu Kyi and the work of Martin Luther King Jr. Locating this dialogue against the political backdrop of Myanmar’s history, Htoo explores the theological and political implications of nonviolence in the cultural context of the country’s people groups. He draws on the shared Buddhist and Christian foundation of commitment to loving kindness to suggest a new political reality for Myanmar – one in which its citizens work together for the transformation of their shared homeland. Ultimately, Htoo challenges Christians to dethrone the spirit of domination and bear witness to the holistic gospel in every aspect of their lives. This is an excellent resource for anyone interested in theology, peace studies, or the intersection between faith and politics.
Violence is not just physical; like everything in life, it bears spiritual implications. Thus, nonviolence offers more than just a method for resisting oppression. It offers a spiritual revolution - a way of seeking life to cultivate the reality of God's kingdom in a world where the myth of redemptive violence is rampant. In this book, Dr Aung Htoo places Walter Wink's political theology in conversation with both Aung San Suu Kyi and the work of Martin Luther King Jr. Locating this dialogue against the political backdrop of Myanmar's history, Htoo explores the theological and political implications of nonviolence in the cultural context of the country's people groups. He draws on the shared Buddhist and Christian foundation of commitment to loving kindness to suggest a new political reality for Myanmar - one in which its citizens work together for the transformation of their shared homeland. Ultimately, Htoo challenges Christians to dethrone the spirit of domination and bear witness to the holistic gospel in every aspect of their lives. This is an excellent resource for anyone interested in theology, peace studies, or the intersection between faith and politics."-- Back cover.
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