This book examines how democratic communities resolve dilemmas posed by anti-system parties or, more specifically, the question of why democracies take the grave decision to ban political parties. On the one hand, party bans may ‘protect’ democracies, usually from groups deemed to undermine the democratic system or its core values, territorial integrity or state security. At the same time, banning parties challenges foundational democratic commitments to political pluralism, tolerance and rights to free speech and association. The book probes the deliberative processes, discursive strategies and power politics employed when democratic communities negotiate this dilemma. It examines discourses of securitization and desecuritization, preferences of veto-players, anti-system party orientations to violence, electoral systems and the cordon sanitaire as alternatives to party bans, and incentives for mainstream parties to cooperate, rather than ban, parties to achieve office and policy goals. It does so with reference to case studies of party bans, legalizations and failed ban cases in Spain (Herri Batasuna and successors), the United Kingdom (Sinn Féin and Republican Clubs) and Germany (Socialist Reich Party and National Democratic Party of Germany).
Responding to Populist Parties in Europe: The 'Other People' vs the 'Populist People' provides a new theoretical tool kit exploring how those who disagree with populist parties oppose them and what kinds of opposition initiatives work, why, and to what ends. It argues that analogies with the interwar rise of fascism and postwar communist takeover to the East do not easily fit the reality of today's Europe. Those opposing populist parties often swim in muddier waters than the past, necessarily navigating more complex questions about whether populist opponents deepen or threaten democracy. Populists also operate in a globalized, interdependent Europe, with overlapping spheres of territorial governance. This novel context, the book claims, not only helps us understand the rise of populist parties, but also the constraints of opposition. It begins with a new typology of tolerant and intolerant initiatives opposing populist parties, not just from public authorities and political parties operating at state and international levels, but also lesser-known initiatives from civil society. This forms the foundations of a 'bottom up' approach for evaluating the effectiveness of opposition to populist parties, acknowledging substantial variation in opposition forms country-to-country and party-to-party. The book then outlines a goal-attainment theory of effective opposition, focusing on whether opponents manage to curb illiberal and anti-democratic policies, reduce support for populist parties, diminish their resources, or induce moderation, without producing perverse effects.
How does the European Union affect devolution and nationalist conflict in member states? Does the EU reduce the scope of regional self-government or enhance it? Does it promote conflict or cooperation among territorial entities? These are pressing questions in Spanish politics, where devolution has been an important tool for managing nationalist disputes, and for the Basque Country, where protracted and sometimes violent nationalist conflicts persist. Addressing these issues, this book explores prospects for an autonomous Basque role in EU politics; institutional arrangements for autonomous community participation in EU decision making; Basque government alliances with other regions and the EU's supranational bodies; EU incentives for collaboration among Basque and central state authorities; the impact of EU decisions on politically sensitive Basque competencies; and the incidence of EU issues in nationalist disputes. It presents a new theoretical framework for analysing the impact of the EU on regional power and will be of interest to students, researchers and general observers of Basque, Spanish and EU politics.
Responding to Populist Parties in Europe: The 'Other People' vs the 'Populist People' provides a new theoretical tool kit exploring how those who disagree with populist parties oppose them and what kinds of opposition initiatives work, why, and to what ends. It argues that analogies with the interwar rise of fascism and postwar communist takeover to the East do not easily fit the reality of today's Europe. Those opposing populist parties often swim in muddier waters than the past, necessarily navigating more complex questions about whether populist opponents deepen or threaten democracy. Populists also operate in a globalized, interdependent Europe, with overlapping spheres of territorial governance. This novel context, the book claims, not only helps us understand the rise of populist parties, but also the constraints of opposition. It begins with a new typology of tolerant and intolerant initiatives opposing populist parties, not just from public authorities and political parties operating at state and international levels, but also lesser-known initiatives from civil society. This forms the foundations of a 'bottom up' approach for evaluating the effectiveness of opposition to populist parties, acknowledging substantial variation in opposition forms country-to-country and party-to-party. The book then outlines a goal-attainment theory of effective opposition, focusing on whether opponents manage to curb illiberal and anti-democratic policies, reduce support for populist parties, diminish their resources, or induce moderation, without producing perverse effects.
This book examines how democratic communities resolve dilemmas posed by anti-system parties or, more specifically, the question of why democracies take the grave decision to ban political parties. On the one hand, party bans may ‘protect’ democracies, usually from groups deemed to undermine the democratic system or its core values, territorial integrity or state security. At the same time, banning parties challenges foundational democratic commitments to political pluralism, tolerance and rights to free speech and association. The book probes the deliberative processes, discursive strategies and power politics employed when democratic communities negotiate this dilemma. It examines discourses of securitization and desecuritization, preferences of veto-players, anti-system party orientations to violence, electoral systems and the cordon sanitaire as alternatives to party bans, and incentives for mainstream parties to cooperate, rather than ban, parties to achieve office and policy goals. It does so with reference to case studies of party bans, legalizations and failed ban cases in Spain (Herri Batasuna and successors), the United Kingdom (Sinn Féin and Republican Clubs) and Germany (Socialist Reich Party and National Democratic Party of Germany).
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