In a series of essays that examine Thomas Jefferson’s own writings, Holowchak investigates the always profound and often provocative ideas of this founding father. Dutiful Correspondent explores Thomas Jefferson as a philosopher in his own right. Holowchak expands our view of Jefferson by examining his own words on issues such as race, politics, ethics, education, and the intersection of philosophy and science.
Andrew Jackson is one of the most critical and controversial figures in American history. A dominant actor on the American scene in the period between the Revolution and Civil War, he stamped his name first on a mass political movement and then an era. At the same time Jackson's ascendancy accelerated the dispossession and death of Native Americans and spurred the expansion of slavery. 'The Papers of Andrew Jackson' is a project to collect and publish Jackson's entire extant literary record. The project is now producing a series of seventeen volumes that will bring Jackson's most important papers to the public in easily readable form."--
Popular interest in Cromwell has often exceeded the originality of what has been written about him. Barclay’s study comes out of meticulous research on a huge range of newly discovered primary sources, transforming our understanding of the life and career of Oliver Cromwell during the period from his birth in 1599 until 1642.
This volume encompasses the last six months of Andrew Johnson's presidency (September 1868-February 1869) and March and April of 1869. During this time Johnson moved from being a considerably diminished president to becoming an ex-president. But by April he sought to rejuvenate his political career by undertaking a speaking tour across Tennessee. Despite being a "president in limbo" in the last months of his term, Johnson remained surprisingly active. Requests and nominations for presidential patronage did not slow down, but Johnson enjoyed only limited success in securing Senate confirmation of his appointments. Yet the patronage game continued to be played right up to the end of his term. Although Horace Greeley feared Johnson might "do something to make us all d----d mad before November," the President's involvement in the presidential campaign was limited to a plea with Horatio Seymour to become an active campaigner. But even a more engaged Democratic candidate could not have thwarted the Republican ticket headed by General Grant. One holdover problem from the summer months was the whiskey frauds investigation in New York City. It continued through the end of 1868 with various twists and turns. The Johnson administration had to defend its own investigators, who seemed as unscrupulous as those they investigated. The ultimate purpose of the inquiry was to replace Internal Revenue Commissioner Edward Rollins, but Rollins remained in office. In late 1868 several Southern states sent reports about unusual outbreaks of violence to Washington. A Tennessee delegation testified about Ku Klux Klan activities and requested federal troops to counteract them. North Carolina, Alabama, Louisiana, and Arkansas presented similar accounts to Johnson. But the President was unable to take any real action. In December, Johnson submitted his fourth and final Annual Message to Congress. Not surprisingly, he attacked the various Reconstruction acts. Yet he also focused on the national debt and urged a scheme that would enable bondholders to be paid off in less than seventeen years. Republican leaders in Congress, however, strongly opposed this proposal. That same month the president also issued his fourth and final Amnesty Proclamation. Its terms embraced everyone who had not already been accommodated by earlier proclamations. The Senate demanded an explanation from Johnson, who soon forwarded a defense of the new proclamation. The President left office on March 4, but not before delivering a "Farewell Address." He said that he had no regrets about his administration, a view not shared by most political leaders. Johnson spent two more weeks in Washington before returning home to Tennessee. Shortly after arriving in Greeneville he decided to rehabilitate his political standing. After all, friends had already encouraged him to run for governor or possibly a U.S. Senate seat. Only a brief, but serious, illness delayed his plans. In April, Johnson hit the campaign trail, making major speeches in Knoxville, Nashville, and Memphis. After a foray into north Alabama, Johnson was stunned by the tragic news of the suicide of his son Robert. He returned to Greeneville to grieve but also to contemplate his future political career. He would move forward in search of vindication at the hands of the voters. The Editor: Paul H. Bergeron is professor of history at the University of Tennessee, Knoxville. Excerpts from Volume 15 "The mass of the people should be aroused and warned against the encroachments of despotic power now ready to enter the very gates of the citadel of liberty." --To Horatio Seymour, Oct. 22, 1868 "They [Reconstruction acts] can be productive of no permanent benefit to the country, and should not be permitted to stand as so many monuments of the deficient wisdom which has characterized our recent legislation." --Fourth Annual Message, Dec. 9, 1868 "I think there ought to be a professor in every college in the land to teach its pupils a correct understanding and appreciation of the principles of the constitution, and to hold it next in reverence and importance to the Bible, for it is as much the groundwork of our government as the other is the foundation of our holy religion." --Speech to Georgetown College Cadets, Feb. 1, 1869 "Legislation can neither be wise nor just which seeks the welfare of a single interest at the expense and to the injury of many and varied interests at least equally important and equally deserving the consideration of Congress." --Veto of the Copper Bill, Feb. 22, 1869 "Calmly reviewing my administration of the Government, I feel that, with a sense of accountability to God, having conscientiously endeavored to discharge my whole duty, I have nothing to regret." --Farewell Address, Mar. 4, 1869 "If the North and the South understood each other better there would be nothing in the way of our being united, prosperous and happy. That is the greatest desire I have--to see the people of all sections of our country living in harmony and peace." --Interview with Cincinnati Commercial Correspondent, Mar. 22, 1869 "Let us rally around the Constitution of our country; let us hold to it as the ark of our country, as the palladium of our civil and religious liberty; let us cling to it as the warrior clings to the last plank between him and the waves of destruction." --Speech in Nashville, Apr. 7, 1869
Thomas Jefferson died on July 4, 1826, leaving behind a series of mysteries that captured the imaginations of historical investigators-an interest rekindled by the recent revelation that he fathered a child by Sally Hemmings, a woman he legally owned-yet there is still surprisingly little known about him as a man. In Jefferson's Secrets Andrew Burstein focuses on Jefferson's last days to create an emotionally powerful portrait of the uncensored private citizen who was also a giant of a man. Drawing on sources previous biographers have glossed over or missed entirely, Burstein uncovers, first and foremost, how Jefferson confronted his own mortality; and in doing so, he reveals how he viewed his sexual choices. Delving into Jefferson's soul, Burstein lays bare the president's thoughts about his own legacy, his predictions for American democracy, and his feelings regarding women and religion. The result is a moving and surprising work of history that sets a new standard, post-DNA, for the next generation's reassessment of the most evocative and provocative of this country's founders.
In December 1863, Civil War soldiers took refuge from the dismal conditions of war and weather. They made their winter quarters in the Piedmont region of central Virginia: the Union’s Army of the Potomac in Culpeper County and the Confederacy’s Army of Northern Virginia in neighboring Orange County. For the next six months the opposing soldiers eyed each other warily across the Rapidan River. In Music Along the Rapidan James A. Davis examines the role of music in defining the social communities that emerged during this winter encampment. Music was an essential part of each soldier’s personal identity, and Davis considers how music became a means of controlling the acoustic and social cacophony of war that surrounded every soldier nearby. Music also became a touchstone for colliding communities during the encampment—the communities of enlisted men and officers or Northerners and Southerners on the one hand and the shared communities occupied by both soldier and civilian on the other. The music enabled them to define their relationships and their environment, emotionally, socially, and audibly.
This book is a companion to the author’s previous volume, Thirty-Six Short Essays on the Probing Mind of Thomas Jefferson. It provides the reader with new short essays on Jefferson thoughts on political philosophy and religion and morality. There are, in addition, 10 essays on Jeffersonian historiography, as Jefferson, it is commonly complained, is an exceedingly difficult, if not impossible, task, for any historian. The book is crafted both to entertain—the essays are brisk and lively—and to enlighten. The essays are provocative and critical, and take the reader deep within the recesses of Jefferson’s large mind, while also highlighting that Jefferson is still quite relevant today.
Andrew Jackson is one of the most critical and controversial figures in American history. A dominant actor on the American scene in the period between the Revolution and Civil War, he stamped his name first on a mass political movement and then an era. At the same time Jackson's ascendancy accelerated the dispossession and death of Native Americans and spurred the expansion of slavery. 'The Papers of Andrew Jackson' is a project to collect and publish Jackson's entire extant literary record. The project is now producing a series of seventeen volumes that will bring Jackson's most important papers to the public in easily readable form."--
Legendary Locals of Shreveport chronicles fascinating people who have made a difference in the Shreveport-Bossier City area. Some are good, some are bad, and more than a few are wicked. There are movie starlets, entertainers, decorated war veterans, gangsters, preachers, madams, politicians, giants of industry, and humble folk who rose to greatness or infamy. Shreveport began as a rough and tumble frontier town that came late to being "civilized." A Baptist preacher shot one of Quantrill's Raiders when he rode his horse into church during a Sunday service. The most famous madam in the region was also a suffragette. The first successful bankers in Shreveport were immigrants from Prussia who developed a business model that extends into the modern era. Shreveport lost one quarter of its population in less than a month due to a yellow fever epidemic. And that is just the beginning.
The first dedicated study of the practice of changing sides during the English Civil Wars. Reveals how side-changing shaped the course of the English Revolution, even contributing to the regicide itself, and remained an important political legacy to the English speaking peoples thereafter.
Shakespeare, Violence and Early Modern Europe broadens our understanding of the final years of the last Tudor monarch, revealing the truly international context in which they must be understood. Uncovering the extent to which Shakespeare's dramatic art intersected with European politics, Andrew Hiscock brings together close readings of the history plays, compelling insights into late Elizabethan political culture and renewed attention to neglected continental accounts of Elizabeth I. With fresh perspective, the book charts the profound influence that Shakespeare and ambitious courtiers had upon succeeding generations of European writers, dramatists and audiences following the turn of the sixteenth century. Informed by early modern and contemporary cultural debate, this book demonstrates how the study of early modern violence can illuminate ongoing crises of interpretation concerning brutality, victimization and complicity today.
In virtually every democratic nation in the world, political representation is defined by where citizens live. In the United States, for example, Congressional Districts are drawn every 10 years as lines on a map. Why do democratic governments define political representation this way? Are territorial electoral constituencies commensurate with basic principles of democratic legitimacy? And why might our commitments to these principles lead us to endorse a radical alternative: randomly assigning citizens to permanent, single-member electoral constituencies that each looks like the nation they collectively represent? Using the case of the founding period of the United States as an illustration, and drawing from classic sources in Western political theory, this book describes the conceptual, historical, and normative features of the electoral constituency. As an institution conceptually separate from the casting of votes, the electoral constituency is little studied. Its historical origins are often incorrectly described. And as a normative matter, the constituency is almost completely ignored. Raising these conceptual, historical and normative issues, the argument culminates with a novel thought experiment of imagining how politics might change under randomized, permanent, national electoral constituencies. By focusing on how citizens are formally defined for the purpose of political representation, The Concept of Constituency thus offers a novel approach to the central problems of political representation, democratic legitimacy, and institutional design.
The blue and white porcelain exported by China in the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries is an important category of artifacts and antiques, a fashion-sensitive commodity that was affected by the ebbs and flows of style and consumer demand. In this copiously illustrated, comprehensive guide to Chinese export porcelain, Andrew Madsen offers both a broad overview and detailed identification and context information for the most common styles and motifs. His focus on the determination of manufacture dates, which are based primarily on data collected from armorial decorated export wares, porcelain cargoes from dated shipwrecks, and tightly dated archaeological contexts, will allow students, scholars, and collectors to refine associations with Chinese export porcelain, revealing the untapped quantity of information that mass-produced Chinese export porcelain has to offer.
An absorbing reference work that explains the meanings of references and allusions in modern English, from Adonis to Zorro. It is fascinating to browse, and is based upon an extensive reading program that has identified the most commonly-used allusions.
“[Andrew Levy] brings a literary sensibility to the study of history, and has written a richly complex book, one that transcends Carter’s story to consider larger questions of individual morality and national memory.” –The New York Times Book Review In 1791, Robert Carter III, a pillar of Virginia’s Colonial aristocracy, broke with his peers by arranging the freedom of his nearly five hundred slaves. It would be the largest single act of liberation in the history of American slavery before the Emancipation Proclamation. Despite this courageous move–or perhaps because of it–Carter’s name has all but vanished from the annals of American history. In this haunting, brilliantly original work, Andrew Levy explores the confluence of circumstance, conviction, war, and emotion that led to Carter’s extraordinary act. As Levy points out, Carter was not the only humane master, nor the sole partisan of emancipation, in that freedom-loving age. So why did he dare to do what other visionary slave owners only dreamed of? In answering this question, Levy reveals the unspoken passions that divided Carter from others of his class, and the religious conversion that enabled him to see his black slaves in a new light. Drawing on years of painstaking research and written with grace and fire, The First Emancipator is an astonishing, challenging, and ultimately inspiring book. “A vivid narrative of the future emancipator’s evolution.” –The Washington Post Book World “Highly recommended . . . a truly remarkable story about an eccentric American hero and visionary . . . should be standard reading for anyone with an interest in American history.” –Library Journal (starred review) “Absorbing. . . Well researched and thoroughly fascinating, this forgotten history will appeal to readers interested in the complexities of American slavery.” –Booklist (starred review)
The Papers of Andrew Johnson Project began in the mid-1950s as part of a larger trend toward projects for the collection and publication of presidential papers. The project was headed by University of Tennessee historians LeRoy Graf and Ralph Haskins and led to its conclusion by Paul Bergeron. The project became part of the Tennessee Presidents Center in 1987, joining the papers projects of the two other Tennessee presidents, Andrew Jackson and James K. Polk. The first volume of The Papers of Andrew Johnson was published in 1967 and the project was completed on July 31, 2000, with the publication of the sixteenth and final volume. The entire project covers Johnson's correspondence from 1858 to 1875.
Already renowned as a statesman, Thomas Jefferson in his retirement from government turned his attention to the founding of an institution of higher learning. Never merely a patron, the former president oversaw every aspect of the creation of what would become the University of Virginia. Along with the Declaration of Independence and the Virginia Statute for Religious Freedom, he regarded it as one of the three greatest achievements in his life. Nonetheless, historians often treat this period as an epilogue to Jefferson’s career. In The Illimitable Freedom of the Human Mind, Andrew O’Shaughnessy offers a twin biography of Jefferson in retirement and of the University of Virginia in its earliest years. He reveals how Jefferson’s vision anticipated the modern university and profoundly influenced the development of American higher education. The University of Virginia was the most visible apex of what was a much broader educational vision that distinguishes Jefferson as one of the earliest advocates of a public education system. Just as Jefferson’s proclamation that "all men are created equal" was tainted by the ongoing institution of slavery, however, so was his university. O’Shaughnessy addresses this tragic conflict in Jefferson’s conception of the university and society, showing how Jefferson’s loftier aspirations for the university were not fully realized. Nevertheless, his remarkable vision in founding the university remains vital to any consideration of the role of education in the success of the democratic experiment.
“[A] monumental dual biography . . . a distinguished work, combining deep research, a pleasing narrative style and an abundance of fresh insights, a rare combination.”—The Dallas Morning News The third and fourth presidents have long been considered proper gentlemen, with Thomas Jefferson’s genius overshadowing James Madison’s judgment and common sense. But in this revelatory book about their crucial partnership, both are seen as men of their times, hardboiled operatives in a gritty world of primal politics where they struggled for supremacy for more than fifty years. With a thrilling and unprecedented account of early America as its backdrop, Madison and Jefferson reveals these founding fathers as privileged young men in a land marked by tribal identities rather than a united national personality. Esteemed historians Andrew Burstein and Nancy Isenberg capture Madison’s hidden role—he acted in effect as a campaign manager—in Jefferson’s career. In riveting detail, the authors chart the courses of two very different presidencies: Jefferson’s driven by force of personality, Madison’s sustained by a militancy that history has been reluctant to ascribe to him. Supported by a wealth of original sources—newspapers, letters, diaries, pamphlets—Madison and Jefferson is a watershed account of the most important political friendship in American history. “Enough colorful characters for a miniseries, loaded with backstabbing (and frontstabbing too).”—Newsday “An important, thoughtful, and gracefully written political history.”—Publishers Weekly (starred review)
Drawing on previously classified government records, the authors reveal that for over 150 years, Canada has run spy operations largely hidden from public or parliamentary scrutiny - complete with undercover agents, secret sources, agent provocateurs, coded communications, elaborate files, and all the usual apparatus of deception and betrayal so familiar to fans of spy fiction. As they argue, what makes Canada unique among Western countries is its insistent focus of its surveillance inwards, and usually against Canadian citizens.
Is there life after the presidency? That is the question with which Andrew Johnson wrestled after his return to Tennessee in March 1869 until his death in the summer of 1875. He answered that question with a resounding "yes" and revitalized his political ambitions. For his six post-presidential years, Johnson relentlessly pursued a vindication of earlier setbacks and embarrassments. He had hardly arrived back in Greenville before he began mapping his strategy to recapture public acclaim. Johnson eschewed the opportunity to compete for the governor's chair and opted instead to set his sights on the prospects of going back to the nation's capital, preferably as a U. S. senator. Johnson engaged in three separate campaigns, one in 1869, one in 1872, and the final one is 1874-75. In the first, he sought election to the U. S. Senate. At the very last minute the tide went against him in the legislature, and Johnson thereby lost a wonderful opportunity to return to Washington only a few months after the end of his presidency. In 1872, Tennessee stipulated that its new congressional seat would be an at-large one. This suited Johnson, who favored a statewide, rather than a district, race. When he could not secure the formal nomination of the state's Democratic part, he boldly declared himself an independent candidate. Although he knew full well that his actual chances of election over either a Republican or a Democratic rival were slim, Johnson stayed in the fray. Confederates exerted one the Democratic party, and he succeeded. The Republican contender emerged victorious, much as Johnson had calculated, and therefore in a somewhat perverse this strengthened Johnson's political clout for another day. The day came in 1874, when he launched his campaign for the U.S. Senate. Johnson labored mightily throughout the state in this cause: by the time the legislature convened, he was the major contender for the post. But Democratic party successes in the gubernatorial and legislative elections had encouraged a number of other hopefuls. Eventually, the legislature staged fifty-five ballots before Johnson carried the day in late January 1875. As fate would have it, President Grant summoned a special session if the U. S. Senate to meet in March, enabling Johnson to claim his seat well ahead of the normal schedule. The ex-president strode confidently into the Senate chamber, the scene of his impeachment embarrassment in 1868, and took the oath of office. Many well-wishers, as well as old foes, greeted the battle-scarred political veteran whose vindication had been achieved at last. After lingering in Washington after the close of the Senate session, Johnson returned to Tennessee, where he lived out the short remainder of his days. With the exception of serious financial reverses and a nearly fatal battle with cholera in 1873, Johnson's sole focus had been his political rehabilitation. Considering his return to the Senate, albeit brief, the argument could be made that he succeeded. But, considering the verdict of most historians, it remains debatable whether he achieved his aims. The Editor: Paul H. Bergeron is professor of history at the University of Tennessee, Knoxville.
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