Developing a new theory of hegemony, called group hegemony, the author explains how a few wealthy countries maintain the liberal economic order and how this helps to sustain the economic disparity between the core and the periphery in the post-World War II era. The theory proposes that the G7 acts as a global government of last resort - a crisis manager - when other institutions prove inadequate to sustain the world order. The G7 also supplies resources, such as large markets, foreign investment, and funding for international institutions. These goods serve to entice the majority of countries to participate in and abide by the rules governing the world economic order without changing the systemic distribution of power. The volume develops a theoretical analysis of the G7's significance in international relations. It explains how the G7 countries collaborate to perpetuate the economic order and impart an institutional stability to an inequitable system.
Although it has been more than a decade since the Cold War global structure collapsed, neither scholars nor policymakers have clearly identified its replacement. What is the new world order, ask Thomas Volgy and Alison Bailin; and in the midst of declining state strength, who sustains it? They find their answers in the system collectively constructed by the major powers. The authors consider both the nature of state strength and the changing capabilities of the states most likely to construct global architecture. Demonstrating that the traditional structures of global order - hegemony, bipolarity, and multipolarity - are inconsistent with existing and projected patterns of state strength, they present a provocative alternative model that reflects the creeping incrementalism of multilateral institutions and the institutionalized group hegemony of the G-7 states. In their final chapter, they explore the weaknesses of the present architectural arrangements and discuss alternative scenarios.
Financial stability is one of the key tenets of a central bank’s functions. Since the financial crisis of 2007-2009, an area of hot debate is the extent to which the central bank should be involved with prudential regulation. This book examines the macro and micro-prudential regulatory frameworks and systems of the United Kingdom, Australia, the United States, Canada and Germany. Drawing on the regulator frameworks of these regions, this book examines the central banks’ roles of crisis management, resolution and prudential regulation. Alison Lui compares the institutional structure of the new ‘twin-peaks’ model in the UK to the Australian model, and the multi-regulatory US model and the single regulatory Canadian model. The book also discusses the extent the central bank in these countries, as well as the ECB, are involved with financial stability, and argues that the institutional architecture and geographical closeness of the Bank of England and Financial Policy Committee give rise to the fear that the UK central bank may become another single super-regulator, which may provide the Bank of England with too much power. As a multi-regional, comparative study on the importance and effectiveness of prudential regulation, this book will be of great use and interest to students and researchers in finance and bank law, economics and banking.
Focusing on important information literacy debates, this new book with contributions from many of the main experts in the field highlights important ideas and practical considerations. Information Literacy takes the reader on a journey across the contemporary information landscape, guided by academics and practitioners who are experts in navigating this ever-changing terrain. - Diversity of content from authors with national and international reputations - Shows professionals how to operate at a strategic level to engender institutional change and have a direct practical application for their teaching and learning practice - Many of the chapters are based on empirical research ensuring innovative approaches to information literacy
This is the first full-length study of literary tourism in North America as well as Britain, and a unique exploration of popular response to writers, literary house museums, and the landscapes or "countries " associated with their lives and works. An interdisciplinary study ranging from 1820-1940, Homes and Haunts: Touring Writers' Shrines and Countries unites museum and tourism studies, book history, narrative theory, theories of gender, space, and things, and other approaches to depict and interpret the haunting experiences of exhibited houses and the curious history of topo-biographical writing about famous authors. In illustrated chapters that blend Victorian and recent first-person encounters that range from literary shrines and plaques to guidebooks, memoirs, portraits, and monuments, Alison Booth discusses pilgrims such as William and Mary Howitt, Anna Maria and Samuel Hall, and Elbert Hubbard, and magnetic hosts and guests as Washington Irving, Wordsworth, Martineau, Longfellow, Hawthorne, James, and Dickens. Virginia Woolf's feminist response to homes and haunts shapes a chapter on Mary Russell Mitford, Gaskell, and the Brontës, and another on the Carlyles' house and Monk's House. Booth rediscovers collections of personalities, haunted shrines, and imaginative re-enactments that have been submerged by a century of academic literary criticism.
This book confronts a significant paradox in the development of literary realism: the very novels that present themselves as purveyors and celebrants of direct, ordinary human experience also manifest an obsession with art that threatens to sabotage their Realist claims. Unlike previous studies of the role of visual art, or music, or theatre in Victorian literature, Realism, Representation, and the Arts in Nineteenth-Century Literature examines the juxtaposition of all of these arts in the works of Charlotte Brontë, William Thackeray, George Eliot, Thomas Hardy, and others. Alison Byerly combines close textual analysis with discussion of relevant ancillary topics to illuminate the place of different arts within nineteenth-century British culture. Her book, which also contains sixteen illustrations, represents an effort to bridge the growing gap between aesthetics and cultural studies.
Although it has been more than a decade since the Cold War global structure collapsed, neither scholars nor policymakers have clearly identified its replacement. What is the new world order, ask Thomas Volgy and Alison Bailin; and in the midst of declining state strength, who sustains it? They find their answers in the system collectively constructed by the major powers. The authors consider both the nature of state strength and the changing capabilities of the states most likely to construct global architecture. Demonstrating that the traditional structures of global order - hegemony, bipolarity, and multipolarity - are inconsistent with existing and projected patterns of state strength, they present a provocative alternative model that reflects the creeping incrementalism of multilateral institutions and the institutionalized group hegemony of the G-7 states. In their final chapter, they explore the weaknesses of the present architectural arrangements and discuss alternative scenarios.
Developing a new theory of hegemony, called group hegemony, the author explains how a few wealthy countries maintain the liberal economic order and how this helps to sustain the economic disparity between the core and the periphery in the post-World War II era. The theory proposes that the G7 acts as a global government of last resort - a crisis manager - when other institutions prove inadequate to sustain the world order. The G7 also supplies resources, such as large markets, foreign investment, and funding for international institutions. These goods serve to entice the majority of countries to participate in and abide by the rules governing the world economic order without changing the systemic distribution of power. The volume develops a theoretical analysis of the G7's significance in international relations. It explains how the G7 countries collaborate to perpetuate the economic order and impart an institutional stability to an inequitable system.
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