Zanzibar has had the most turbulent postcolonial history of any part of the United Republic of Tanzania, yet few sources explain the reasons why. The current political impasse in the islands is a contest over the question of whether to revere and sustain the Zanzibari Revolution of 1964, in which thousands of islanders, mostly Arab, lost their lives. It is also about whether Zanzibar's union with the Tanzanian mainland--cemented only a few months after the revolution--should be strengthened, reformed, or dissolved. Defenders of the revolution claim it was necessary to right a century of wrongs. They speak the language of African nationalism and aspire to unify the majority of Zanzibaris through the politics of race. Their opponents instead deplore the violence of the revolution, espouse the language of human rights, and claim the revolution reversed a century of social and economic development. They reject the politics of race, regarding Islam as a more worthy basis for cultural and political unity. From a series of personal interviews conducted over several years, Thomas Burgess has produced two highly readable first-person narratives in which two nationalists in Africa describe their conflicts, achievements, failures, and tragedies. Their life stories represent two opposing arguments, for and against the revolution. Ali Sultan Issa traveled widely in the 1950s and helped introduce socialism into the islands. As a minister in the first revolutionary government he became one of Zanzibar's most controversial figures, responsible for some of the government's most radical policies. After years of imprisonment, he reemerged in the 1990s as one of Zanzibar's most successful hotel entrepreneurs. Seif Sharif Hamad came of age during the revolution and became disenchanted with its broken promises and excesses. In the 1980s he emerged as a reformist minister, seeking to roll back socialism and authoritarian rule. After his imprisonment he has ever since served as a leading figure in what has become Tanzania's largest opposition party As Burgess demonstrates in his introduction, both memoirs trace Zanzibar's postindependence trajectory and reveal how Zanzibaris continue to dispute their revolutionary heritage and remain divided over issues of memory, identity, and whether to remain a part of Tanzania. The memoirs explain how conflicts in the islands have become issues of national importance in Tanzania, testing that state's commitment to democratic pluralism. They engage our most basic assumptions about social justice and human rights and shed light on a host of themes key to understanding Zanzibari history that are also of universal relevance, including the legacies of slavery and colonialism and the origins of racial violence, poverty, and underdevelopment. They also show how a cosmopolitan island society negotiates cultural influences from Africa, the Middle East, Asia, and Europe.
Zanzibar has had the most turbulent postcolonial history of any part of the United Republic of Tanzania, yet few sources explain the reasons why. The current political impasse in the islands is a contest over the question of whether to revere and sustain the Zanzibari Revolution of 1964, in which thousands of islanders, mostly Arab, lost their lives. It is also about whether Zanzibar's union with the Tanzanian mainland--cemented only a few months after the revolution--should be strengthened, reformed, or dissolved. Defenders of the revolution claim it was necessary to right a century of wrongs. They speak the language of African nationalism and aspire to unify the majority of Zanzibaris through the politics of race. Their opponents instead deplore the violence of the revolution, espouse the language of human rights, and claim the revolution reversed a century of social and economic development. They reject the politics of race, regarding Islam as a more worthy basis for cultural and political unity. From a series of personal interviews conducted over several years, Thomas Burgess has produced two highly readable first-person narratives in which two nationalists in Africa describe their conflicts, achievements, failures, and tragedies. Their life stories represent two opposing arguments, for and against the revolution. Ali Sultan Issa traveled widely in the 1950s and helped introduce socialism into the islands. As a minister in the first revolutionary government he became one of Zanzibar's most controversial figures, responsible for some of the government's most radical policies. After years of imprisonment, he reemerged in the 1990s as one of Zanzibar's most successful hotel entrepreneurs. Seif Sharif Hamad came of age during the revolution and became disenchanted with its broken promises and excesses. In the 1980s he emerged as a reformist minister, seeking to roll back socialism and authoritarian rule. After his imprisonment he has ever since served as a leading figure in what has become Tanzania's largest opposition party As Burgess demonstrates in his introduction, both memoirs trace Zanzibar's postindependence trajectory and reveal how Zanzibaris continue to dispute their revolutionary heritage and remain divided over issues of memory, identity, and whether to remain a part of Tanzania. The memoirs explain how conflicts in the islands have become issues of national importance in Tanzania, testing that state's commitment to democratic pluralism. They engage our most basic assumptions about social justice and human rights and shed light on a host of themes key to understanding Zanzibari history that are also of universal relevance, including the legacies of slavery and colonialism and the origins of racial violence, poverty, and underdevelopment. They also show how a cosmopolitan island society negotiates cultural influences from Africa, the Middle East, Asia, and Europe.
The Covert Genocide is the first comprehensive account of the horrors that befell Ethiopia's Somali region during the reign of Abdi Mohamoud Omar-commonly known as Abdi iley-who ruled over the Somali inhabited parts of Ethiopia between 2010 and 2018. In this book Abdulkadir Ali 'Bureida' offers an incisive assessment of the Abdi iley years. His reign of terror claimed the lives of thousands of Somalis in Ethiopia. It lastingly damaged-physically, mentally and socially-a good part of the community. As the federal government's main pillar of the counter-insurgency against the reel Ogden National Liberation Front (ONLF) Abdi iley acted as a state within the state. On his and his officials' orders countless civilians, political competitors and suspected and real ONLF supporters were arrested, tortured and killed across the region. Drawing over 700 interviews with witnesses and survivors, The Covert Genocide provides the reader with an insider's account of the atrocities, arbitrary violence and terror that were the hallmark of the Abdi iley period. Making use of history, philosophy, psychology and his first-hand observations as a prisoner of conscience in the infamous Jail Ogaden, the author sheds light both on the systematic human rights abuses by Abdi iley's officials and paramilitary 'Liyu' or special police and the broad political context, which enabled it. Equal part historical account, political account, political analysis and human rights reporting, the book offers crucial testimony of the Abdi iley period. A powerful tribute to the victims of state sponsored violence, the Covert Genocide is a reminder that accountability for the many injustices committed continues to be wanting. Some readers will be tempted to discard or downplay the findings of this book as essentially a Somali problem. Nothing could be further from the truth. Ethiopia' former EPRDF government not only tolerated, but enabled the many atrocities against civilians that took place as part of the governments' counterinsurgency. The ongoing impunity of former and current officials and security forces-including parts of the ONLF-continues to be a major obstacle for reconciliation and healing not only in Somali region, but in Ethiopia altogether. Recent atrocities by warring parties in the Tigray conflict are a spark reminder that Ethiopia has so far failed to address or learn from its recent past. The Covert Genocide is a stark reminder that as long as political elites refuse to acknowledge these past injustices and their victims, they are likely to repeat themselves in the future. Tobias Hagmann, visiting professor, Roskilde University (Denmark) and Senior Programme Officer, Swisspeace (Switzerland).
This book offers an exploration of ballistic missile proliferation in the Middle East and also delves into the geopolitical landscape to unveil a narrative of contemporary Middle Eastern history. The central focus of this book is to decipher the pivotal moments when three regional powers of the Middle East - Egypt, Saudi Arabia, and Iran - embraced ballistic capabilities as a strategic response to military vulnerabilities. The authors contend that the very essence of ballistic proliferation incorporates a tactical rationale provided by military needs that varies from one state to another, and it is upon the assessment of these military needs that the decision to procure ballistic missiles is made. Offering a blend of theoretical insights and primary sources-based case studies, this book dissects the decision-making processes that spurred these states to choose ballistic missiles, despite their inefficiencies in delivering conventional payloads. The absence of an effective air force emerges as a catalyst, triggering what the authors term a ‘moment of ballistic consciousness.' Spanning three diverse regimes, the work provides a rich historical tapestry and untangles the complexities of political decisions with military implications, providing a fresh perspective on global power dynamics. This narrative sheds light on the intersection of military strategy, geopolitical realities, and the pursuit of ballistic capabilities that shapes the world's security landscape. This book will be of much interest to students of arms control, nuclear proliferation, Middle Eastern politics, and International Relations.
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