Ethnosociology: The Foundations is a systematic presentation of the main principles and analytic strategies of the discipline of ethnosociology, written by Alexander Dugin, one of the major Russian philosophers and political analysts of the present day. Through study of the main sources and schools that influenced the establishment of ethnosociology as an independent and original scientific discipline, Alexander Dugin offers a profound philosophical approach to the categories of the "ethnos," "narod," "nation," and "society" and elaborates a general ethnosociological taxonomy. Dugin's work is distinguished by its strict consistency, a broad spectrum of knowledge, and various methodologies of ethnosociological analysis, brought together into a single, easily applicable system. While this book can serve as a manual for specialists in the field of sociology, philosophy, political science, cultural studies, ethnology, international relations, state and law, it will also be of pertinent interest to anyone who follows the latest groundbreaking developments in the humanities, or who seeks to understand the structure of human societies.
In The Wisdom of Our Ancestors, the authors mount a powerful defense of Western civilization, sketching a fresh vision of conservatism in the present age. In this book, Graham McAleer and Alexander Rosenthal-Pubul offer a renewed vision of conservatism for the twenty-first century. Taking their inspiration from the late Roger Scruton, the authors begin with a simple question: What, after all, is the meaning of conservatism? In reply, they make a case for a political orientation that they call “conservative humanism,” which threads a middle way between liberal universalism and its ideological alternatives. This vision of conservatism is rooted in the humanist tradition (that is, classical humanism, Christian humanism, and secular humanism), which the authors take to be the hallmark of Western civilizational identity. At its core, conservative humanism attempts to reconcile universal moral values (rooted in natural law) with local, particularist loyalties. In articulating this position, the authors show that the West—contra various contemporary critics—does, in fact, have a great deal of wisdom to offer. The authors begin with an overview of the conservative thought world, situating their proposal relative to two major poles: liberalism and nationalism. They move on to show that conservatism must fundamentally take the form of a defense of humanism, the “master idea of our civilization.” The ensuing chapters articulate various aspects of conservative humanism, including its metaphysical, institutional, legal, philosophical, and economic dimensions. Largely rooted in the Anglo-Continental conservative tradition, the work offers fresh perspectives for North American conservatism.
According to Prof Alexander Dugin, Vladimir Putin stands at a crossroads. Throughout his career as the President of Russia, Putin has attempted to balance two opposing sides of his political nature: one side is a liberal democrat who seeks to adopt Western-style reforms in Russia and maintain good relations with the United States and Europe, and the other is a Russian patriot who wishes to preserve Russia's traditions and reassert her role as one of the great powers of the world. According to Dugin, this balancing act cannot go on if Putin wishes to enjoy continuing popular support among the Russian people. Putin must act to preserve Russia's unique identity and sovereignty in the face of increasing challenges, both from Russian liberals at home and from foreign powers. Russia is no longer strong enough to stand on her own, he writes. In order to do this, Russia must cooperate with other dissenting powers who oppose the new globalist order of liberalism to bring about a multipolar world, in which no single nation wields supreme power, but rather several major powers keep each other in balance. Russia is crucial to this effort, in Dugin's view, and indeed, its own survival as a unique and independent civilisation is dependent on a geopolitical shift away from the unipolar world represented by America's unchecked supremacy. This fascinating book, written by an informal advisor to Putin and a Kremlin insider, is the first of its kind in English. Alexander Dugin (b. 1962) is one of the best-known writers and political commentators in post-Soviet Russia, having been active in politics there since the 1980s. In addition to the many books he has authored on political, philosophical, and spiritual topics, he is the leader of the International Eurasia Movement, which he founded. For more than a decade, he has been an advisor to Vladimir Putin and the Kremlin on geopolitical matters, and was head of the Department of Sociology at Moscow State University. Arktos has also published his books, The Fourth Political Theory (2012), Eurasian Mission: An Introduction to Neo-Eurasianism (2014), and Last War of the World-Island: The Geopolitics of Contemporary Russia (2015).
Modern political systems have been the products of liberal democracy, Marxism, or fascism. Dugin asserts a fourth ideology is needed to sift through the debris of the first three to look for elements that might be useful, but that remains innovative and unique in itself.
This book aims to explain the reasons behind Russia's international conduct in the post-Soviet era, examining Russian foreign policy discourse with a particular focus on the major foreign policy schools of Atlanticism, Eurasianism, derzhavniki, realpolitik, geopolitics, neo-Marxism, radical nationalism, and post-positivism. The Russian post-Soviet threat perceptions and national security doctrines are studied. The author critically assesses the evolution of Russian foreign policy decision-making over the last 25 years and analyzes the roles of various governmental agencies, interest groups and subnational actors. Concluding that a foreign policy consensus is gradually emerging in contemporary Russia, Sergunin argues that the Russian foreign policy discourse aims not only at the formulation of an international strategy but also at the search for a new national identity.Alexander Sergunin argues that Russia's current domestic situation, defined by numerous socio-economic, inter-ethnic, demographic, environmental, and other problems, dictates the need to abandon superpower ambitions and to rather set modest foreign policy goals.
This book examines the latest thinking regarding Russia’s present position and its anticipated future by leading Russian philosophers, political scientists, economists, and cultural figures, to whom the author refers as “visionaries.” These thinkers position Russia as a global protector of fairness and a safeguard against any single nation’s world hegemony. Despite Russians’ abiding tendency to underestimate and undervalue their achievements, they are increasingly coming to realize that Russia’s historical record is, on the whole, outstanding. The book’s 17 chapters, including many original translations of spoken discussions, argue that Russia has all the prerequisites for, and is, in fact, already well on the way toward, becoming a global Noah’s Ark of Western civilization.
Welcome to Vladimir Putin’s phantasmagoric world, where a heady mixture of Orthodoxy, socialism, imperialism, racism, homophobia, and Mother Russia worship defines and distorts reality. Vovochka is the story of “Vovochka” Putin and his intimate friend—a KGB agent with the same nickname. The two Vovochkas recruit informers in Berlin’s gay bars, spy on East German dissidents, survive the trauma of the Soviet Union’s collapse, fight American, Ukrainian, Jewish, and Estonian “fascists,” and plot to restore Russia’s power and glory. As their mindset assumes increasingly bizarre forms, Vovochka Putin experiences bouts of selfdoubt that culminate in a weeklong cure in North Korea. A savage satire, Vovochka is also a terrifyingly plausible account of Vladimir Putin’s evolution from a minor KGB agent in East Germany to the selfstyled Savior and warmongering leader of a paranoid state.
This book traces Heidegger's influence on a variety of political movements to fundamental ambiguities in his understanding of everydayness and nihilism.
An in-depth analysis of one of the most important and complex issues of the post-Soviet era, namely the (re-)integration of this highly interconnected region. The book considers the evolution of 'holding-together' groups since the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, looking at intergovernmental interaction and informal economic and social ties.
China and Russia, two giants dominating the Eurasian landmass, share a history of understanding and misunderstanding whose nuances are not well appreciated by outsiders. In his interpretation of this relationship from the Russian point of view, Alexander Lukin shows how over the course of three centuries China has seemed alternately to threaten, mystify, imitate, mirror, and rival its northern neighbor. Lukin traces not only the changing dynamics of Russian-Chinese relations but the ways in which Russia's images of China more profoundly reflected Russia's self-perception and its perceptions of the West as well. As both Russia and China take distinctive approaches to political and economic development and integration in the twenty-first century global economy, this reinterpretation of their relationship is timely and valuable not only to historians but to all students of international affairs.
Traces the shared history of Russia and Islam in expanding compass; from the Tatar civilization within the Russian heartland, to the conquered territories of the Caucasus and Central Asia, to the larger geopolitical and security context of contemporary Russia on the civilizational divide. The study stresses political and geopolitical relationships.
Modern political systems have been the products of liberal democracy, Marxism, or fascism. Dugin asserts a fourth ideology is needed to sift through the debris of the first three to look for elements that might be useful, but that remains innovative and unique in itself.
According to Alexander Dugin, the twenty-first century will be defined by the conflict between Eurasianists and Atlanticists. The Eurasianists defend the need for every people and culture on Earth to be allowed to develop in its own way, free of interference, and in accordance with their own particular values. Eurasianists thus stand for tradition and for the blossoming variety of cultures, and a world in which no single power holds sway over all the others. Opposing them are the Atlanticists. They stand for ultra-liberalism in both economics and values, stopping at nothing to expand their influence to every corner of the globe, unleashing war, terror, and injustice on all who oppose them, both at home and abroad. This camp is represented by the United States and its allies around the world, who seek to maintain America’s unipolar hegemony over the Earth. The Eurasianists believe that only a strong Russia, working together with all those who oppose Atlanticism worldwide, can stop them and bring about the multipolar world they desire. This book introduces their basic ideas. Eurasianism is on the rise in Russia today, and the Kremlin’s geopolitical policies are largely based on its tenets, as has been acknowledged by Vladimir Putin himself. It is reshaping Russia’s geopolitics, and its influence is already changing the course of world history. “Essentially, the unipolar world is simply a means of justifying dictatorship over people and countries. […] I think that we need a new version of interdependence. […] This is particularly relevant given the strengthening and growth of certain regions on the planet, which process objectively requires institutionalization of such new poles, creating powerful regional organizations and developing rules for their interaction. Cooperation between these centers would seriously add to the stability of global security, policy and economy.” — Vladimir Putin, Valdai Club, October 24, 2014
Alexander Dugin traces the geopolitical development of Russia from its origins in Kievan Rus and the Russian Empire, through the peak of its global influence during the Soviet era, and finally to the current presidency of Vladimir Putin. Dugin sees Russia as the primary geopolitical pole of the land-based civilizations of the world, forever destined to be in conflict with the sea-based civilizations. At one time the pole of the seafaring civilizations was the British Empire; today it is represented by the United States and its NATO allies. Russia can only fulfill its geopolitical mission by remaining in opposition to the sea powers. Today, according to Dugin, this conflict is not only geopolitical in scope, but also ideological: Russia is the primary representative and defender of traditional values and idealism, whereas the West stands for the values of liberalism and the market-driven society. Whereas Russia began to lose sight of its mission during the 1990s and threatened to succumb to domination by the Western powers, Dugin believes that Putin has begun to correct its course and return Russia to her proper place. But the struggle is far from over: while progress has been made, Russia remains torn between its traditional nature and the temptations of globalism and Westernization, and its enemies undermine it at every turn. Dugin makes the case that it is only by remaining true to the Eurasian path that Russia can survive and flourish in any genuine sense – otherwise it will be reduced to a servile and secondary place in the world, and the forces of liberalism will dominate the world, unopposed.
This book investigates the Soviet response to nationalist insurgencies between 1944 and 1953 in the regions the Soviet Union annexed after the Nazi-Soviet pact.
“[A] superb study of Russian cultural memory makes all too clear, ghosts of the unburied dead affect literature, art, public life and mental health too.” —The Economist After Stalin’s death in 1953, the Soviet Union dismantled the enormous system of terror and torture that he had created. But there has never been any Russian ban on former party functionaries, nor any external authority to dispense justice. Memorials to the Soviet victims are inadequate, and their families have received no significant compensation. This book’s premise is that late Soviet and post-Soviet culture, haunted by its past, has produced a unique set of memorial practices. More than twenty years after the collapse of the Soviet Union, Russia remains “the land of the unburied”: the events of the mid-twentieth century are still very much alive, and still contentious. Alexander Etkind shows how post-Soviet Russia has turned the painful process of mastering the past into an important part of its political present. “Every page contains fresh, striking insights, not only in the intrinsic value of art itself, but more significantly in the process of mourning. . . . This brilliant book will be indispensable for scholars of mourning theories.” —Choice “There is undoubtedly much that is new and exciting in this study of the impact of state violence on the form and content of art and scholarship in post-Stalin Russia.” —Russian Review “A fascinating and haunting study of how successive Kremlin leaders and the intelligentsia have explained the Gulag and Stalin’s crimes” —Strategic Europe
In this timely book, the authors provide a detailed analysis of Russia's national interests in the Arctic region. They assess Russia's domestic discourse on the High North's role in the system of national priorities as well as of Moscow's bi- and multilateral relations with major regional players, energy, environmental, socio-cultural, and military policies in the Arctic. In contrast to the internationally wide-spread stereotype of Russia as a revisionist power in the High North, this book argues that Moscow tries to pursue a double-sided strategy in the region. On the one hand, Russia aims at defending her legitimate economic interests in the region. On the other hand, Moscow is open to co-operation with foreign partners that are willing to partake in exploiting the Arctic natural resources. The general conclusion is that in the foreseeable future Moscow's strategy in the region will be predictable and pragmatic rather than aggressive or spontaneous. The authors argue that in order to consolidate the soft power pattern of Russia's behavior a proper international environment in the Arctic should be created by common efforts. Other regional players should demonstrate their responsibility and willingness to solve existing and potential problems on the basis of international law.
This book is based on the collection of articles centered around Russia and its policies. The articles are grouped under three parts. The first part contains articles on international relations, Russian foreign policy, and the situation in the world. The main themes they cover include Russian policy in Asia and the Eurasian integration – in which Moscow plays the most active role. The second part looks at the theorization of Russia's internal processes, issues concerning reforms to the communist system, its troubled transition from Communism, and analysis of the country's current political regime. While elaborating on various reforms and transition from the communist system, the author has suggested certain alternatives concepts. Many of the articles analyze the shortcomings and inconsistencies of the modern Russian political system. The third part is devoted to current issues in Russian politics, the democratization process, growing authoritarian tendencies, mass protests, and that evaluate the programs and policies of individual leaders. The book will be of interest to those specializing in Russian foreign and domestic policy as well as to all those interested in following the developments of this country, its role in the world, and the global situation in general.
In this book, the author presents for the first time the main results obtained in the field of polarization optics in a wide range of application areas. These will be used widely in different branches of modern science and technology over the next century.
This is the 2nd edition of the book, Flow Visualization: Techniques and Examples, which was published by Imperial College Press in 2000. Many of the chapters have been revised and updated to take into consideration recent changes in a number of flow visualization and measurement techniques, including an updated high quality flow gallery. Unique among similar publications, this book focuses on the practical rather than theoretical aspects. Obtaining high quality flow visualization results is, in many ways, more of an art than a science, and experience plays a key deciding role. The depth and breadth of the material will make this book invaluable to readers of all levels of experience in the field.
This book analyzes the world of 1914 by combining the approaches of traditionalist hermeneutics and 20th century geopolitics. The juxtaposition of these two frameworks, incorporated in the principles of Sacred Geography and Sea Power, allows for a Traditionalist perspective on the choices facing the Ten Great Powers on the eve of the Great War. The book’s multifaceted approach follows the iconoclastic “culture critique” method of the Traditional School that was developed by René Guénon, Frithjof Schuon and Julius Evola; it shows the pre-war world as essentially different from the post-war world. Thus, the Ten Great Power protagonists of the Great War may be understood on their own terms, rather than through a backward projection of politically-correct values on the existentially different human life-world of 1914. Dislodging the historical-materialist “progress” premise that underpins contemporary academic historiography, this book reasserts the highest claim of the Art of History: meta-narrative meaning.
Putin’s war is a “special operation” against modernity. The invasion has been directed against Ukraine, but the war has a broader target: the modern world of climate awareness, energy transition and digital labor. By trading oil and gas, promoting Trump and Brexit, spreading corruption, boosting inequality and homophobia, subsidizing far-right movements and destroying Ukraine, Putin’s clique aims at suppressing the ongoing transformation of modern societies. Alexander Etkind distinguishes between Russia’s pompous, weaponized paleomodernity, on the one hand, and the lean, decentralized gaiamodernity of the Anthropocene, on the other. Putin’s clique has used various strategies – from climate denialism and electoral interference to war and genocide – to resist and subvert modernity. Working on political, cultural and even demographic levels, social mechanisms convert the vicious energy of the oil curse into all-out aggression. Dissecting these mechanisms, Etkind’s brief but rigorous analyses of social structuration, cultural dynamics and family models reveal the agency that drives the Russian war against modernity. This short, sharp critique of the Russian regime combines political economy, social history and demography to predict the decolonizing and defederating of Russia.
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