What is the common element linking the right to health care and the right of free speech, the right to leisure and the right of free association, the right to work and the right to be protected? Debates on the rights of man abound in the media today, but all too often they remain confused and fail to recognize the fundamental political conceptions on which they hinge. Several French theorists have recently attempted a new account of rights, one that would replace the discredited Marxist view of rights as mere formalities concealing the realities of class domination. In this final volume of Political Philosophy, Luc Ferry and Alain Renaut summarize these efforts and put forward their own set of arguments.
With the publication of French Philosophy of the Sixties, Alain Renaut and Luc Ferry in 1985 launched their famous critique against canonical figures such as Foucault, Derrida, and Lacan, bringing under rigorous scrutiny the entire post-structuralist project that had dominated Western intellectual life for over two decades. Their goal was to defend the accomplishments of liberal democracy, particularly in terms of basic human rights, and to trace the reigning philosophers' distrust of liberalism to an "antihumanism" inherited mainly from Heidegger. In The Era of the Individual, widely hailed as Renaut's magnum opus, the author explores the most salient feature of post-structuralism: the elimination of the human subject. At the root of this thinking lies the belief that humans cannot know or control their basic natures, a premise that led to Heidegger's distrust of an individualistic, capitalist modern society and that allied him briefly with Hitler's National Socialist Party. While acknowledging some of Heidegger's misgivings toward modernity as legitimate, Renaut argues that it is nevertheless wrong to equate modernity with the triumph of individualism. Here he distinguishes between individualism and subjectivity and, by offering a history of the two, powerfully redirects the course of current thinking away from potentially dangerous, reductionist views of humanity. Renaut argues that modern philosophy contains within itself two opposed ways of conceiving the human person. The first, which has its roots in Descartes and Kant, views human beings as subjects capable of arriving at universal moral judgments. The second, stemming from Leibniz, Hegel, and Nietzsche, presents human beings as independent individuals sharing nothing with others. In a careful recounting of this philosophical tradition, Renaut shows the resonances of these traditions in more recent philosophers such as Heidegger and in the social anthropology of Louis Dumont. Renaut's distinction between individualism and subjectivity has become an important issue for young thinkers dissatisfied with the intellectual tradition originating in Nietzsche and Heidegger. Moreover, his proclivity toward the Kantian tradition, combined with his insights into the shortcomings of modernity, will interest anyone concerned about today's shifting cultural attitudes toward liberalism. Originally published in 1997. The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback and hardcover editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.
In this book, a leading French social thinker grapples with the gap between the tendency toward globalization of economic relations and mass culture and the increasingly sectarian nature of our social identities as members of ethnic, religious, or national groups. Though at first glance, it might seem as if the answer to the question Can we live together? is that we already do live togetherwatching the same television programs, buying the same clothes, and even using the same language to communicate from one country to anotherthe author argues that in important ways, we are farther than ever from belonging to the same society or the same culture. Our small societies are not gradually merging into one vast global society; instead, the simultaneously political, territorial, and cultural entities that we once called societies or countries are breaking up before our eyes in the wake of ethnic, political, and religious conflict. The result is that we live together only to the extent that we make the same gestures and use the same objectswe do not communicate with one another in a meaningful way or govern ourselves together. What power can now reconcile a transnational economy with the disturbing reality of introverted communities? The author argues against the idea that all we can do is agree on some social rules of mutual tolerance and respect for personal freedom, and forgo the attempt to forge deeper bonds. He argues instead that we can use a focus on the personal life-projectthe construction of an active self or subjectultimately to form meaningful social and political institutions. The book concludes by exploring how social institutions might be retooled to safeguard the development of the personal subject and communication between subjects, and by sketching out what these new social institutions might look like in terms of social relations, politics, and education.
The Adventure of French Philosophy is essential reading for anyone interested in what Badiou calls the “French moment” in contemporary thought. Badiou explores the exceptionally rich and varied world of French philosophy in a number of groundbreaking essays, published here for the first time in English or in a revised translation. Included are the often-quoted review of Louis Althusser’s canonical works For Marx and Reading Capital and the scathing critique of “potato fascism” in Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari’s A Thousand Plateaus. There are also talks on Michel Foucault and Jean-Luc Nancy, and reviews of the work of Jean-François Lyotard and Barbara Cassin, notable points of interest on an expansive tour of modern French thought. Guided by a small set of fundamental questions concerning the nature of being, the event, the subject, and truth, Badiou pushes to an extreme the polemical force of his thinking. Against the formless continuum of life, he posits the need for radical discontinuity; against the false modesty of finitude, he pleads for the mathematical infinity of everyday situations; against the various returns to Kant, he argues for the persistence of the Hegelian dialectic; and against the lure of ultraleftism, his texts from the 1970s vindicate the role of Maoism as a driving force behind the communist Idea.
With the publication of French Philosophy of the Sixties, Alain Renaut and Luc Ferry in 1985 launched their famous critique against canonical figures such as Foucault, Derrida, and Lacan, bringing under rigorous scrutiny the entire post-structuralist project that had dominated Western intellectual life for over two decades. Their goal was to defend the accomplishments of liberal democracy, particularly in terms of basic human rights, and to trace the reigning philosophers' distrust of liberalism to an "antihumanism" inherited mainly from Heidegger. In The Era of the Individual, widely hailed as Renaut's magnum opus, the author explores the most salient feature of post-structuralism: the elimination of the human subject. At the root of this thinking lies the belief that humans cannot know or control their basic natures, a premise that led to Heidegger's distrust of an individualistic, capitalist modern society and that allied him briefly with Hitler's National Socialist Party. While acknowledging some of Heidegger's misgivings toward modernity as legitimate, Renaut argues that it is nevertheless wrong to equate modernity with the triumph of individualism. Here he distinguishes between individualism and subjectivity and, by offering a history of the two, powerfully redirects the course of current thinking away from potentially dangerous, reductionist views of humanity. Renaut argues that modern philosophy contains within itself two opposed ways of conceiving the human person. The first, which has its roots in Descartes and Kant, views human beings as subjects capable of arriving at universal moral judgments. The second, stemming from Leibniz, Hegel, and Nietzsche, presents human beings as independent individuals sharing nothing with others. In a careful recounting of this philosophical tradition, Renaut shows the resonances of these traditions in more recent philosophers such as Heidegger and in the social anthropology of Louis Dumont. Renaut's distinction between individualism and subjectivity has become an important issue for young thinkers dissatisfied with the intellectual tradition originating in Nietzsche and Heidegger. Moreover, his proclivity toward the Kantian tradition, combined with his insights into the shortcomings of modernity, will interest anyone concerned about today's shifting cultural attitudes toward liberalism. Originally published in 1997. The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback and hardcover editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.
The second volume in an ongoing series of English translations of de Benoist's works is an examination of the origins of the concept of human rights in European Antiquity, in which rights were defined in terms of the individual's relationship to his community and were understood as being exclusive to that community alone.
Following on from Alain Badiou’s acclaimed works Ethics and Metapolitics, Polemics is a series of brilliant metapolitical reflections, demolishing established opinion and dominant propaganda, and reorienting our understanding of events from the Kosovo and Iraq wars to the Paris Commune and the Cultural Revolution. With the critical insight and polemical bravura for which he is renowned, Badiou considers the relationships between language, judgment and propaganda—and shows how propaganda has become the dominant force. Both wittily and profoundly, Badiou presents a series of radical philosophical engagements with politics, and questions what constitutes political truth.
A profound look at what it means for new generations to read and interpret ancient religious texts In this book, rabbi and philosopher Marc-Alain Ouaknin offers a postmodern reading of the Talmud. Combining traditional learning and contemporary thought, Ouaknin dovetails discussions of spirituality and religious practice with such concepts as deconstruction, intertextuality, undecidability, multiple voicing, and eroticism in the Talmud. On a broader level, he establishes a dialogue between Hebrew tradition and the social sciences, which draws, for example, on the works of Lévinas, Blanchot, and Jabès as well as Derrida. The Burnt Book represents the innovative thinking that has come to be associated with a school of French Jewish studies, headed by Lévinas and dedicated to new readings of traditional texts. The Talmud, transcribed in 500 C.E., is shown to be a text that refrains from dogma and instead encourages the exploration of its meanings. A vast compilation of Jewish oral law, the Talmud also contains rabbinical commentaries that touch on everything from astronomy to household life. Examining its literary methods and internal logic, Ouaknin explains how this text allows readers to transcend its authority in that it invites them to interpret, discuss, and recreate their religious tradition. An in-depth treatment of selected texts from the oral law and commentary goes on to provide a model for secular study of the Talmud in light of contemporary philosophical issues. Throughout, the author emphasizes the self-effacing quality of a text whose worth can be measured by the insights that live on in the minds of its interpreters long after they have closed the book. He points out that the burning of the Talmud in anti-Judaic campaigns throughout history has, in fact, been an unwitting act of complicity with Talmudic philosophy and the practice of self-effacement. Ouaknin concludes his discussion with the story of the Hasidic master Rabbi Nahman of Bratslav, who himself burned his life achievement—a work known by his students as "the Burnt Book." This story leaves us with the question, should all books be destroyed in order to give birth to thought and renew meaning?
The Age of the Poets revisits the age-old problem of the relation between literature and philosophy, arguing against both Plato and Heidegger’s famous arguments. Philosophy neither has to ban the poets from the republic nor abdicate its own powers to the sole benefit of poetry or art. Instead, it must declare the end of what Badiou names the “age of the poets,” which stretches from Hölderlin to Celan. Drawing on ideas from his first publication on the subject, “The Autonomy of the Aesthetic Process,” Badiou offers an illuminating set of readings of contemporary French prose writers, giving us fascinating insights into the theory of the novel while also accounting for the specific position of literature between science and ideology.
Alain Badiou, one of the most powerful voices in contemporary French philosophy, shows how our prevailing ethical principles serve ultimately to reinforce an ideology of the status quo and fail to provide a framework for an effective understanding of the concept of evil.
In his previous books Alain Touraine analysed the great changes that have transformed our personal and collective lives; in this new book he shows that we need to transform our ways of thinking about these changes. The very idea of society is in crisis: globalization and the liberation of desires from taboos have led to the collapse of the old social order. In our societies today, good and evil can no longer be defined by institutions; self-awareness is more important than the awareness of rules and subjects have become their own creators. Taking as his starting point a critique of what he calls the Dominant Interpretive Discourse, which tried throughout the twentieth century to impose the idea of a society without actors that was subject to various kinds of determinism (especially economic determinism), Touraine argues that the only principle that allows us to evaluate individual behaviour and social situations is the recognition of the political, social and cultural rights of all human beings, who are viewed as free and equal. The individual must be seen as a subject and treated as the cornerstone of a reconstructed sociology. Whereas some denounce individualism, the author celebrates a subjectivation that involves the defence of the rights of all against all modes of social integration. This general line of argument is made concrete through an analysis of the subordination of women, the exclusion of minorities and the difficulties young people face at school and at work. This major new book represents in many ways the culmination of twenty years of theoretical reflection which began with Critique of Modernity and which have established Touraine as one of the leading figures of contemporary social thought.
Everywhere, the twentieth century has been judged and condemned: the century of totalitarian terror, of utopian and criminal ideologies, of empty illusions, of genocides, of false avant-gardes, of democratic realism everywhere replaced by abstraction. It is not Badiou's wish to plead for an accused that is perfectly capable of defending itself without the authors aid. Nor does he seek to proclaim, like Frantz, the hero of Sartre's Prisoners of Altona, 'I have taken the century on my shoulders and I have said: I will answer for it!' The Century simply aims to examine what this accursed century, from within its own unfolding, said that it was. Badiou's proposal is to reopen the dossier on the century - not from the angle of those wise and sated judges we too often claim to be, but from the standpoint of the century itself.
Touraine is one of the leading social thinkers in the world today and many of his books have been published in English. In this book Touraine presents a new theoretical framework for understanding the contemporary world. It is a broad theoretical work which seeks to make sense of everyday experience at the beginning of the 21st century. This is a major new theoretical work by one of the leading sociologists in the world today. A great reference book for those studying sociology and social theory at any level.
Since its publication in France in 1985, this critique of the main currents in contemporary French thought has prompted debate over the character of postmodern philosophy. Luc Ferry and Alain Renaut offer sociopolitical analysis of the May 1968 student uprising in France, explore the connection between the revolt and the rise of postmodern thought, and question whether student dissent was a genuine humanist reaction to conditions in France at that time.
What is the common element linking the right to health care and the right of free speech, the right to leisure and the right of free association, the right to work and the right to be protected? Debates on the rights of man abound in the media today, but all too often they remain confused and fail to recognize the fundamental political conceptions on which they hinge. Several French theorists have recently attempted a new account of rights, one that would replace the discredited Marxist view of rights as mere formalities concealing the realities of class domination. In this final volume of Political Philosophy, Luc Ferry and Alain Renaut summarize these efforts and put forward their own set of arguments.
Cet essai renoue avec la grande tradition de la philosophie politique « pratique » telle que le philosophe John Rawls l'a conceptualisée. Un va-et-vient permanent entre la théorie et l'action, entre les « représentations du monde » et l'actualité, donne à cet ouvrage sa singularité - et sa formidable utilité. Les repères du débat politique sont aujourd'hui pour le moins brouillés. L'explosion du bloc de l'Est avait déjà fragilisé, depuis une quinzaine d'années, une gauche longtemps dominée par des schémas de pensée issus du marxisme. Ni les septennats de François Mitterrand, où les illusions ont vite cédé le pas au pragmatisme, ni les chances qu'offrit en 1997 une reconquête du pouvoir vite obérée par l'échéance présidentielle, n'ont donné lieu à un aggiornamento d'ampleur. Le séisme politique de 2002 acheva de jeter notre univers politique dans une situation d'extrême désarroi. Les échecs successifs de la droite, sur les quelques dossiers qu'elle tenta d'ouvrir depuis son retour au pouvoir, n'ont rien arrangé à cet état de confusion. Depuis le rassemblement républicain d'avril 2002 contre le Front National, le débat politique, inaudible à gauche comme à droite, a atteint ainsi son degré zéro. Seule la répétition d'alternances rapides paraît désormais pouvoir maintenir politiquement l'apparence d'une dynamique. Parce que la vie de la cité requiert des choix qui engagent une représentation de l'avenir, cet essai exprime une conviction : plus rien aujourd'hui, sur les principes ultimes auxquels nous nous référons, ne distingue suffisamment gauche et droite. Plus de justice sociale dans le respect des mêmes libertés fondamentales : qui n'adhérera à un tel programme ? Un véritable débat sur ce qui serait politiquement juste requiert avant tout, à gauche comme à droite, la capacité de faire valoir des choix. Et pour dégager les conditions d'une « politique juste », l'auteur s'emploie ici à montrer que nous pouvons mieux faire resurgir la force des principes en nous demandant, non plus seulement de quelle manière les fonder en raison, mais comment il peut se faire qu'à partir des mêmes principes, viennent à se creuser, dans la politique telle qu'elle se fait, des désaccords dans leur application. Au-delà d'une perception plus claire des principes de justice, la voie d'une politique juste requiert la capacité à mieux discerner, quand il s'agit d'appliquer ces principes, quelle est la logique des possibles. Ce qu'Alain Renaut tente de faire ici à partir de dossiers particulièrement délicats où s'est embourbée en France l'action politique la plus récente : celui de l'enseignement des langues régionales, celui de l'autonomie des universités.
A l'heure où le débat politique fait de nouveau référence, avec insistance, mais aussi avec confusion, à la liberté du peuple souverain, il redevient indispensable de se demander ce qui fait précisément qu'un peuple peut se penser comme libre. La liberté d'un peuple se mesure-t-elle à la façon dont les droits des individus qui le composent se trouvent protégés ? Ou bien devons-nous considérer qu'un peuple libre est aussi, voire surtout, un peuple dont les vertus civiques sont suffisantes pour soutenir la participation des citoyens à la vie publique ? Deux modèles hantent ainsi notre imaginaire démocratique : celui du libéralisme politique, celui du républicanisme. Sont-ils incompatibles ? Peuvent-ils s'articuler, et à quelles conditions, l'un à l'autre ? Cet essai à la fois historique et critique entreprend de reconstruire la logique interne de ce dédoublement qui, dans les actuelles divisions de notre vie politique, joue un rôle de plus en plus déterminant, au point de subvertir les anciens clivages entre gauche et droite, ou entre progressisme et conservatisme.
The world is changing fast and politics are changing with them. Throughout history, times of change are marked by great leaders changing the world for the better. Our world today is in crisis. There is a need for a new generation of politicians to change the world, and they seem to appear, with a new style to how they think and how they behave, and Emmanuel Macron could very well be a prototype. Macron Unveiled examines Macron's first four years as France's president, scrutinizing Macron's personality, his way of solving problems, his sources of inspiration, his mistakes, his difficulties, as well as the impact he may already have had in his country, in Europe, and the world. New leaders with a modern approach to politics are quickly emerging, and despite having limited political experience, they are facing the challenges of today head on. As the world moves on from the impact of President Trump, there is a growing interest in world affairs what leadership will look like tomorrow. New ideas and new ways of doing things are changing the political landscape. As a former French Diplomat, psychologist, and political coach, Alain Lefebvre is uniquely positioned to explain the French perspective to international audiences. He brings careful analysis and historical context to Macron's time in office and presents the information in a way that will helps readers gain a better understanding of who Macron is as a man, a leader, and a prototype for the next generation of political leaders.
L'ancien patron de la rédaction du "Journal du dimanche" et de"Paris Match" revient sur les circonstances de son licenciement de "Paris Match" en 2006.
C’est le roman d’une époque où la musique était le havre des déshérités, le roman d’un jazz man promis aux huées, puis touché par la grâce dans une ville ivre de blues. Qui se souvient que Charlie Parker brilla d’abord par ses couacs ? Que le futur Bird naquit plutôt vilain canard ? Que le fils à maman, tyrannique, paresseux et hâbleur, n’avait rien pour réussir ? Qui sait aujourd’hui quel cauchemar de médiocrité, le génial saxophoniste dut secouer pour se fuir, se trouver ? Lui, bien sûr, ne pensait qu’à rafler la timbale et finir sous les hourras. Mal barré, Charlie, mais quand même assez inspiré pour voir le jour à Kansas City. Les Noirs y étaient mieux reçus qu’ailleurs; le quartier des plaisirs accueillerait bientôt les aventuriers du swing, chassés des métropoles américaines par la Dépression. En 1920, il est loin le temps où Benjamin Singleton, le « Moïse noir », exhortait ses frères de couleur à quitter les plaines du Mississippi pour faire d’une « ville à vaches » leur terre promise. De tous les coins du pays, on vient faire la fête à Kay Cee. On s’y abrutit de musique, d’alcool et de haschich. Pendant la crise, la cité a trouvé le moyen de prospérer grâce au truculent Thomas Joseph Pendergast, le politicien le plus corrompu d’Amérique, et grâce au zèle des mafias qui se partagent le gâteau avec lui. Les années folles mordent sur les temps difficiles. Chaque nuit est une noce sans fin. C’est dans cette jubilation rebelle et générale que « l’Oiseau » prend son essor, sous l’œil incrédule d’Addie, la mère abusive ; de Rebbeca, la fiancée coquette ; dans l’ombre de Coleman Hawkins, Lester Young, Count Basie. Le saxophoniste a dix-huit ans quand, bientôt couronné, il quitte sa ville pour mettre le monde à ses pieds. Il s’en va d’un côté, Gerber de l’autre, comme si le romancier, cette fois, n’avait voulu dévoiler que les années sombres, et rappeler ainsi qu’ à travers Charlie Parker l’énigme de la création nous adresse son sourire le plus narquois.
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