This is a 14th-century biography of the famous Persian mystic poet and ‘Knower of God’, Jalāl al-Dīn-e Rūmī, in the form of a large compendium of Sufi-style teaching stories. It was commissioned by a grandson about fifty years after Rūmī’s death. The author-compiler, Aflākī, includes chapters on Bahā’-e Valad (Rūmī’s father), Shams al-Dīn-e Tabrīzī (Rūmī’s great love), Solṭān Valad and Amīr ‘Āref (Rūmī’s son and grandson), and other transmitters of the spiritual Heritage of the Mowlavī dervish order. The protagonists are portrayed as performing miracles and confronting critics and rivals. Circumstantial detail abounds, thus providing one of our few windows onto social and political life during the Saljūq and Mongol period in Asia Minor. The translation has an extensive index of persons and concepts to assist readers and students.
When the statue of Saddam Hussein was pulled down in Baghdad's Firdous square, Iraq was entering a new phase of uncertainty. This is a country whose history has been shaped by foreign occupations, authoritarianism, wars and violence. Its identity was always a matter of controversy. The incompatibility between Iraq as a territorial entity and the various cultural identities of its population made it more difficult for Iraqis to imagine their 'Nation'. This Identity Problem has been made worse by a political power which has always based itself on the hegemony politics of exclusion. Through a long journey in the historical processes and socio-political conflicts, the author tells the story of a country devastated by its legacy, seeking to reconcile with itself and re-imagine its nationhood.
Selected by Choice magazine as an Outstanding Academic Title Today, Hamid al-Bayati serves as Iraqi ambassador to the United Nations. But for many years he lived in exile in London, where he worked with other opponents of Saddam Hussein's regime to make a democratic and pluralistic Iraq a reality. As former Western spokesman for the Supreme Council for the Islamic Revolution in Iraq (SCIRI), and as a member of the executive council of the Iraqi National Congress, two of the main groups opposing Saddam's regime, he led campaigns to alert the world to human rights violations in Iraq and win support from the international community for the removal of Saddam. An important Iraqi diplomat and member of Iraq's majority Shia community, he offers firsthand accounts of the meetings and discussions he and other Iraqi opponents to Saddam held with American and British diplomats from 1991 to 2004. Drawn from al-Bayati's personal archives of meeting minutes and correspondence, From Dictatorship to Democracy takes readers through the history of the opposition. We learn the views and actions of principal figures, such as SCIRI head Sayyid Mohammed Baqir Al-Hakeem and the other leaders of the Iraqi National Congress, Ahmed Chalabi and his Kurdish counterparts, Masound Barzani and Jalal Talabani. Al-Bayati vividly captures their struggle to unify in the face of not only Saddam's harsh and bloody repression but also an unresponsive and unmotivated international community. Al-Bayati's efforts in the months before and after the U.S. invasion also put him in direct contact with key U.S. figures such as Zalmay Khalilzad and L. Paul Bremer and at the center of the debates over returning Iraq to self-government quickly and creating the foundation for a secure and stable state. Al-Bayati was both eyewitness to and actor in the dramatic struggle to remove Saddam from power. In this unique historical document, he provides detailed recollections of his work on behalf of a democratic Iraq that reflect the hopes and frustrations of the Iraqi people.
The trial of Saddam Hussein marks the first time since the UN was created that a head of state has been put on trial by an invading, occupying power. This book, by the UK coordinator of Saddam Hussein's defense team, seeks to alert public attention to the threat this precedent poses to developing nations worldwide, and to its distortive influence on the further development of international law. Al-Ani documents the trail of illegalities marking the destruction of Iraq at the hands of the US and UK, from the genocidal sanctions of the 1990s, the US State Department pre-invasion planning that commenced in 2001, and the 2003 invasion, to the setting up and proceedings of the Tribunal that swiftly dispatched Saddam Hussein. While the Tribunal was intended to promote the image of a triumphant Iraqi democracy, the US was actually in control of all stages of the trial. It drafted the Tribunal's Statute, decided where the trial would be held, and what charges would be brought; researched, compiled, stored, and prevented access to evidence and documentation; elected and trained the judges, and micro-managed the proceedings. Al-Ani follows the trial step by step, detailing its many failures and US micro-management: * Important documents were not given to defense lawyers in advance * no written transcript of the trial was kept * paperwork was lost * The defense was prevented from cross-examining witnesses * judges and numerous witnesses participated incognito, * defense lawyers were intimidated, three were assassinated * defense witnesses were frightened to come forward * defense lawyers could not communicate with their client or review the evidence The trial itself was so farcical as to provoke international condemnation. International human rights groups, including Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch, as well as UN bodies such as the Working Group on Arbitrary Detention and the High Commissioner for Human Rights, have stated that the Iraqi Special Tribunal and its
Why is the problem of terrorism-and the emergence of more extreme and more brutal terrorist groups-one that cannot be solved, even after decades of trying? The world has up to now failed to stop Al Qaeda terrorist attacks and also failed to stop the emergence of more extreme and more brutal terrorist groups than Al Qaeda, such as ISIS/ISIL, as well as newer lone wolf terrorists. Current strategies of counterterrorism have many shortcomings that allow terrorists to continue their operations. A New Counterterrorism Strategy: Why the World Failed to Stop Al Qaeda and ISIS/ISIL, and How to Defeat Terrorists identifies the shortcomings of present approaches and presents a comprehensive and sustainable strategy to combat terrorism. Author Ambassador T. Hamid Al-Bayati, an Iraqi politician, offers a unique insider's perspective about the war on terrorism. As a leader of the opposition against the terrorist regime of Saddam Hussein, he was arrested and tortured, until he fled Iraq. From the UK, he continued involvement in unfolding political events, until returning to Iraq and assuming high political appointments. These special insights are interwoven with accounts of detailed interactions and policies that provide the background for his explanation of the failures of counterterrorism strategies to date, and lessons learned from those mistakes. Al-Bayati spotlights the problems of terrorist cells, lone wolves, and foreign fighters developing in all parts of the world, where members work from safe havens to plan attacks, acquire weapons, and gain fighting experience. His proposed strategy further emphasizes issues neglected in current counterterrorism strategies, such as undermining the ideology of terrorists, interrupting their use of the Internet to promote evil, understanding the motivations and psychology of terrorists, deterring youth from joining ISIS, creating effective media campaigns against terrorism, and shutting off the flow of funding that currently buoys the financial resources of terrorist organizations.
A powerful indictment of the Bush-led radical Right's disdain for the principles of reasoned decision-making, and a rallying cry for a return to reason-based policies at home and abroad.
A historical survey of the Iraqi media from its beginning up to the present day, focusing on the post-2003 media scene and the political and societal divisions that occurred in Iraq after US-led occupation. Investigates the nature of the media outlets and offers an analysis of the way Iraqi satellite channels covered the 2010 general elections.
The #1 New York Times bestseller by Senator Al Franken, author of Giant of the Senate Senator Al Franken’s landmark bestseller, Lies (And the Lying Liars Who Tell Them): A Fair and Balanced Look at the Right, was praised as a “bitterly funny assault” (The New York Times) that rang “with the moral clarity of an angel’s trumpet” (The Associated Press). Now, this master of political humor strikes again with a powerful and provocative message for all of us. In these pages, Senator Franken reveals the alarming story of how: • Bush (barely) beat Kerry with his campaign of “fear, smear, and queers,” and then claimed a nonexistent mandate. • “Casino Jack” Abramoff, the Republicans’ nearest and dearest friend, made millions of dollars off of the unspeakable misery of the poor and the powerless. And, also, Native Americans. • The administration successfully implemented its strategy to destroy America’s credibility and goodwill around the world. Complete with new material for this paperback edition, The Truth (with jokes) is more than just entertaining, intelligent, and insightful. It is at once prescient in its analysis of right-wing mendacity and incompetence, and inspiring in its vision of a better tomorrow for all Americans (except Jack Abramoff).
The significance of the Persian Gulf to international peace and security and to the global energy market cannot be overstated. Events such as the attacks of September 11 and the rise in energy demand and prices have only highlighted the importance of stability in the Gulf to the health of the global economy. This book demonstrates that the nature of military and political threats in the Gulf states (Bahrain, Saudi Arabia, Iran, Iraq, Qatar, Yemen, and the UAE) has shifted during the past three years. Although the threat from Saddam Hussein's Iraq, which produced three recent, major conventional wars-Iran-Iraq (1980-88), Persian Gulf (1990), and Iraq (2003)-has largely disappeared, it has been replaced by concerns over the asymmetric warfare conducted by terrorist organizations and over the proliferation of WMDs by both states and terrorists. These developments are affecting the defense planning and strategic posture of each country, and this book analyzes developments in the force structures of the Gulf states and their ability to deal with this shift in the nature of threat. The military and security forces of the Gulf states must evolve to adapt to the changing nature of the threat and take into account the risk of the Iraqi insurgency and the uncertainty surrounding Iraq's future. The key areas covered in this book include the internal terrorist threat to Saudi Arabia and the Gulf states; the impact of Iran's nuclear program and the risk it poses to energy and internal security in the Gulf area; and border disputes within the region that could develop into conflict. In addition, the book studies the impact of the Iraq War on regional security and the fear of the insurgency spilling over into neighboring states. Cordesman and Al-Rodhan demonstrate a shift toward using internal security services to deal with the threat of extremism and asymmetric warfare. They also suggest that high energy prices and export revenues provide the Gulf countries the opportunity to upgrade their military forces and deal with their undercapitalization as a result of low oil prices in the 1990s. Moreover, they insist that the future of Iraq, the strategic and nuclear posture of Iran, and the terrorist threat will remain major risks and uncertainties in the short to medium run.
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