How exactly do countries negotiate major international agreements? Until now, reliably impartial accounts of how deals are made have been rare and usually describe only one side of a multiparty process. Here, Maxwell Cameron and Brian Tomlin provide the first full, three-country account of the negotiations surrounding the controversial North American Free Trade Agreement, which went into effect on January 1, 1994. Through extensive interviews with participants from all sides, Cameron and Tomlin develop a detailed picture of the process by which the United States, Mexico, and Canada pursued closer economic relations and of the political realities that influenced the politicians and policymakers in each country. Written in an engaging and accessible style, The Making of NAFTA is a faithful account, built on insider views, of how the representatives of the three countries prepared for, negotiated, and implemented the agreement. Cameron and Tomlin show how NAFTA was influenced by the personalities and the multiple, sometimes conflicting objectives of the individuals involved. They also explore what the negotiations can reveal more generally about the making of public policy and the importance of international negotiations.
Since the early 1990s there has been a trend towards narrative complexity within popular cinema. This book examines a number of contemporary films that play overtly with narrative structure, raising questions of chance and destiny, memory and history, simultaneity and the representation of time.
Papers presented at the Fifteenth International Conference on Patristic Studies held in Oxford 2007 (see also Studia Patristica 44, 45, 47, 48 and 49). The successive sets of Studia Patristica contain papers delivered at the International Conferences on Patristic Studies, which meet for a week once every four years in Oxford; they are held under the aegis of the Theology Faculty of the University. Members of these conferences come from all over the world and most offer papers. These range over the whole field, both East and West, from the second century to a section on the Nachleben of the Fathers. The majority are short papers dealing with some small and manageable point; they raise and sometimes resolve questions about the authenticity of documents, dates of events, and such like, and some unveil new texts. The smaller number of longer papers put such matters into context and indicate wider trends. The whole reflects the state of Patristic scholarship and demonstrates the vigour and popularity of the subject.
Societies create rules that govern our practices. Such rules can only be effective, however, if the intermediaries between rules and practices--institutions--harness the skill, knowledge, and motivation of practitioners. Yet, everywhere institutions seem to be failing. Over-reliance on rules and incentives has not only corrupted the intrinsic motivations that arise from practice, it has also promoted the spread of competitive utility maximizing and thereby discouraged the kind of moral agency necessary for institutions to work well. In Political Institutions and Practical Wisdom, Maxwell Cameron takes this basic insight as his starting point to argue that the rapid spread of the tenets of a neoliberal political-economic philosophy in our era has contributed to the erosion of institutional capacity. The book contributes to an emerging field of social science research grounded in the Aristotelian idea of phronesis, or practical wisdom. Drawing on a wide range of examples, Cameron not only shows how good institutions depend on wise practitioners, he argues that contemporary democratic institutions are being assaulted by excessive partisanship and the hollowing-out of democratic deliberation, by the corrupting effects of money in politics, and by the use of neoliberal techniques of governance that are designed to foster competition rather than the pursuit of common goods. At once a valuable guide to designing effective institutions and a trenchant critique of contemporary institutional failure, Political Institutions and Practical Wisdom promises to reshape our understanding of one of the most basic building blocks of contemporary social and political life.
The United Republic of Tanzania has a predominantly agricultural economy, with agriculture accounting for more than two-thirds of employment in rural areas and representing 30 percent of GDP. Yet, by global standards and even by the standards of Developing Countries, crop yields in the county are low. Using improved seeds and mineral fertilizers is therefore critical to promoting growth in crop productivity, food production and sustaining the natural resource base, especially among the smallholder farmers who subsist on nutrient-poor soils. In 2016, The Ministry of Agriculture, Livestock, and Fisheries (MALF) of the United Republic of Tanzania requested an assessment of the potential costs and benefits of a proposed Bulk Procurement System (BPS) for fertilizer imports that would consolidate international procurement to save costs, ultimately improving the affordability for farmers. This assessment was jointly carried out and submitted to MALF in 2017 by FAO and the International Fertilizer Development Centre (IFDC), and presents an analysis of the fertilizer market, the proposed BPS policy, and interviews with over one hundred public, private, and civil society stakeholders. The findings indicate that the proposed system would likely not reduce prices for farmers and could negatively affect availability and market competition – causing prices to increase in the long term. The authors therefore recommend against its implementation pending further consultations, or to pilot the system with careful review and evaluation. The report also presents alternative policy options for the short and medium term to improve overall efficiency in the value chain and ultimately make fertilizer more affordable for Tanzanian smallholder farmers.
A bold argument that constitutional states are not weaker because their powers are divided -- they are often stronger because they solve collective action problems rooted in speech and communication.
The book is a study of the police and criminal justice in eighteenth-century France, and of the crimes and disorders the authorities had to contain. It is concerned with two provinces - the Auvergne, in the mountainous centre, and the Guyenne, the hinterland of Bordeaux and is based on extensive archival research in administrative records, police reports and the transcripts of trials. Part one examines the means of repression available to the government: the national police force, the maréchaussée, and the police court of summary justice, the prévôté. It looks at the recruitment and discipline of policemen, their duties, methods of operating and efficiency; it also examines the treatment of beggars and vagabonds, the procedures of criminal justice, the evidence put before the judges and the punishments handed down. Part two studies the thefts, assaults, murders, riots and rebellions of the two provinces, particularly in the light of fashionable hypotheses about changing patterns of criminal behaviour.
This is the eBook of the printed book and may not include any media, website access codes, or print supplements that may come packaged with the bound book. Develop ten essential management skills. With an emphasis on self assessments, Developing Management Skills gets readers involved in the learning experience, helping them connect the theories to their own lives. Further, this text focuses on developing the ten essential skills needed for success and gives readers tangible goals to work towards. Based on suggestions from reviewers, instructors, and students, a number of changes–including new skill-assessments and cases, and updated research–have been incorporated in the eighth edition.
Under what conditions is democracy stable? What forces undermine or reinforce democratic institutions in Latin America? This book suggests answers to these questions in the context of Peru. It identifies the micro and macro causes that explain the gradual breakdown of democracy in the period between the 1980 transition from authoritarian rule and the 1992 suspension of the Constitution and closure of Congress by President Alberto Fujimori. Similar self-coups were subsequently threatened in Bolivia, unsuccessfully attempted in Guatemala and actively considered in Brazil.
Thank you for visiting our website. Would you like to provide feedback on how we could improve your experience?
This site does not use any third party cookies with one exception — it uses cookies from Google to deliver its services and to analyze traffic.Learn More.